The New York Times Book of World War II, 1939-1945
Page 93
Observers here have been expecting action in the South and Southwest Pacific for some time. Attention, however, had been focused on spots other than obscure Rendova, a twenty-mile-long, densely wooded island, 195 air miles northwest of Guadalcanal.
Munda was for a while the “Japanese Malta” of the central Solomons. It has been bombed at least 150 times since last November, and the attack on Rendova was preceded by four bombings of Munda within four days. For a brief period a few months back our South Pacific fliers let Munda alone and the impression arose that it had been knocked out by the severe punishment it had received. Then, apparently, the Japanese put it in commission, for the poundings were resumed.
It is believed that American strategy, now that the southern Solomons are safely consolidated, is to move northward through the central Solomons, up to the northern Solomons, where the Japanese are believed to have heavy troop concentrations, and then, if things go well, to the more important objective westward and northward.
It is regarded as entirely likely that the immediate objectives, if Munda is knocked out, are Bougainville Island, about 155 air miles to the northwest, where the important harbor and air base of Kahili is situated, and Rabaul, on New Britain Island, one of Japan’s strongest air and sea bases in the southwest Pacific.
Rendova in American hands will give our forces a base 195 miles nearer Japanese targets than Guadalcanal. Rendova is 103 miles from Rekata Bay, submarine and seaplane base; only twenty-five miles from Vila, an air base; 137 miles from bases in the Shortland area, and 410 miles from Rabaul.
Rendova is described by the Navy as “entirely mountainous and densely wooded.” It gradually increases in height from its southeastern extremity, where it is 1,021 feet high, to its summit, a precipitous volcanic cone called Rendova Peak, which is 3,488 feet high. This peak, only four miles from the northern end of the island, has been a conspicuous landmark in air flights over the island. Its summit, an extinct crater, is frequently obscured by clouds.
There is a black sand beach called Banyetta Point at the western extremity of the island. Tidal currents there are strong. The coast rises steeply and is thickly wooded.
From seven miles above Banyetta Point to the northern point of the island, a barrier reef parallels the coast. It extends out a maximum distance of two and one-half miles. There are six deep passages through the reef, and several islands are located on the northern part of the reef. The lagoon inside the barrier is shallow and is encumbered by several reefs.
United Nations Forces Move Forward in the Southwest Pacific: American troops landed on Rendova and New Georgia Islands (1), in the vicinity of the enemy air base at Munda, and engaged the Japanese. The inset shows this area in detail. To the west, the Allies occupied Woodlark Island (2) and the Trobriand Islands (3) without opposition. In New Guinea they occupied Nassau Bay (4), just below Salamaua; the landing craft encountered only slight resistance. Apparently these widespread operations have as their ultimate goal the reduction of Rabaul (5), which was bombed.
JULY 6, 1943
PUBLISHER VISITS KREMLIN
Sulzberger and Molotoff Confer For an Hour In Moscow
MOSCOW, July 5 (AP)—Arthur Hays Sulzberger, president and publisher of The New York Times, spent an hour today in the Kremlin with Foreign Commissar Vyacheslaff M. Molotoff.
Mr. Sulzberger said later he could disclose no details of the interview. He was introduced to Mr. Molotoff by William H. Standley, United States Ambassador.
The publisher has been here as a special Red Cross representative and expects to leave Moscow within a few days.
JULY 11, 1943
Eisenhower Rubs His Seven Luck-Pieces As Allied Invasion Fleet Approaches Sicily
By EDWARD GILLING
Representing the Combined British Press.
ALLIED HEADQUARTERS IN NORTH AFRICA, July 10—Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower always carries in his pocket seven old coins, including a gold five-guinea piece.
As the Allied invasion fleet approached Sicily last night to begin the great assault on Europe, the General gave them a good rub for luck. In fact, as one of his aides said, he gave them several good rubs.
In the early hours of the morning the General heard that the landing had been made and that everything was going according to plan. General Eisenhower spent all night at headquarters, except for one brief period when he drove out to the coast with a small party of his staff to watch an Allied air fleet leaving.
Climbing out of his car, he stood in moonlight with his hand raised to salute the air armada. The period of waiting between the planning of the assault and its realization was over.
Returning to headquarters, General Eisenhower went at once to the naval section, where he joined his staff in following closely the movement of the operations on charts. He spent some time in the Fighter Command room, from which the air umbrella covering the operations was controlled.
At 1:30 A.M. General Eisenhower, apparently satisfied with the progress of operations, went to bed on a cot in a room next to the war room. He slept soundly for three hours until awakened at 4:30 A.M. by an aide who informed him that assault troops had landed and that everything was going according to plan.
The Royal Navy served the General a cup of hot tea and he then returned to the war room, where reports were now coming in regularly. He remained there until he heard the British Broadcasting Corporation broadcast his message telling the people of France that this was the first stage of the invasion of the Continent, which would be followed by others.
General Eisenhower then left the war room, but only for a change of clothes. He returned soon to follow with his commanders the progress of operations.
General Dwight D. Eisenhower, commander in chief of Allied Armies in North Africa, and General Honoré Giraud, commanding the French forces, saluting the flags of both nations at Allied headquarters, 1943.
JULY 11, 1943
ROOSEVELT SEES ‘BEGINNING OF END’
President Reassures Pope on Sparing of Churches and on Respect for the Vatican
By BERTRAM D. HULEN
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 10—The Allied invasion of Sicily looks to President Roosevelt like “the beginning of the end” for Adolf Hitler and Premier Mussolini.
This was revealed by the White House today as an intimation was given that success in Sicily would be followed by the invasion of Southern Italy.
President Roosevelt stated his views in a dramatic announcement when he received word of the invasion during a dinner at the White House last night in honor of Gen. Henri-Honoré Giraud, the French Commander in Chief.
The intimation that Southern Italy might be the next objective was contained in a communication given out by the White House today from President Roosevelt to Pope Pius XII.
In it the President promised that during the invasion of Italian soil churches and religious institutions would “be spared the devastations of war” and the neutral status of Vatican City, as well as of Papal domains “throughout Italy,” would be respected. Mr. Roosevelt assured the Pontiff that the United States was seeking “a just and enduring peace on earth.”
Mr. Roosevelt’s views concerning the campaign in Sicily were echoed at noon by Senator Tom Connally, Democrat, of Texas, chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations, who discussed it with the Chief Executive when he called to say good-bye before leaving for Texas.
Our forces will sweep through Sicily,” the Senator declared as he was leaving the White House. “Already on the land, I don’t believe they can be stopped. The curfew has rung for Italy.”
Nevertheless, there was an air of caution here today until the fighting had developed further, because of reports that the Axis has concentrated in Sicily 300,000 troops, including at least two German divisions. The rest are Italians.
The Allied forces consist of British, Canadian and American units. The Americans, from indications given by military experts, are grouped in the Fifth Army under th
e immediate command of Lieut. Gen. Mark. W. Clark, with Gen. Dwight D. Elsenhower in over-all command from North African headquarters. The British and Canadians are reported probably to outnumber the Americans.
It is considered probable that some days may elapse before definite conclusions can be reached concerning the progress of the campaign, but it is clear that Allied success would mean air and sea control of the Mediterranean and open the way for the conquest of Southern Italy, Sardinia and other Mediterranean points.
Although the operation is not a second front in Europe, it could open a way for such an undertaking.
These considerations were apparently in the mind of President Roosevelt when he made his dramatic announcement at the dinner last night. The details were revealed by Stephen F. Early, Presidential Secretary, today.
The guests included Secretary of State Cordell Hull, Gen. George C. Marshall, Army Chief of Staff; Admiral William D. Leahy, the President’s Chief of Staff; Admiral Ernest J. King, Commander in Chief of the United States Fleet, and other military and naval officials.
ANNOUNCES NEWS OF ATTACK
President Roosevelt began receiving reports of the invasion of Sicily at about 9 o’clock. Just before 10 o’clock, as the dinner was nearing its close, he made the dramatic announcement:
“I have just had word of the first attack against the soft underbelly of Europe.”
He then asked the guests to say nothing about it until midnight, when simultaneous announcements would be made in North Africa, London and Washington.
He stressed that the major objective was the elimination of Germany, for once ashore our forces could go in different directions, that it certainly was to be hoped that the operation was the beginning of the end, and it could almost be said that it was.
In a toast to unified France, he promised that while this invasion was not directed at the shores of France, eventually all of France would be liberated.
After telling of the attack and landing, the President said:
“This is a good illustration of the fact of planning, not the desire for planning, but the fact of planning. With the commencing of the expedition in North Africa, with the complete cooperation between the British and ourselves, that was followed by complete cooperation with the French in North Africa.
“The result, after landing, was the battle of Tunis. That was not all planning; that was cooperation and from that time on we have been working in complete harmony.
“There are a great many objectives, of course, and the major objective is the elimination of Germany. That goes without saying, as a result of the step which is in progress at this moment. We hope it is the beginning of the end.
“Last autumn the Prime Minister of England called it ‘the end of the beginning.’ I think we can almost say that this action tonight is the beginning of the end.
“We are going to be ashore in a naval sense—air sense—military. Once there, we have the opportunity of going in different directions and I want to tell General Giraud that we haven’t forgotten that France is one of the directions. One of our prime aims, of course, is the restoration of the people of France and the sovereignty of France.
PLEDGES LIBERATION OF PARIS
“Even if a move is not directed at this moment at France itself, General Giraud can rest assured that the ultimate objective—we will do it the best way—is to liberate the people of France, not merely those in the southern part of France, but the people in northern France—Paris. And in this whole operation, I should say rightly in the enormous planning, we have had the complete cooperation of the French military and naval forces in North Africa.
“Gradually the opposition has cooled. The older regime is breaking down. We have seen what has happened or is happening at the present moment in Martinique and Guadeloupe. That is a very major part toward the big objective.
“We want to help rearm those French forces (the President referred to the French forces in North Africa) and to build up the French strength so that when the time comes from a military point of view when we get into France itself and throw the Germans out there will be a French Army and French ships working with the British and ourselves.
“It’s a very great symbol that General Giraud is here tonight, that he has come over to talk to us about his military problems and to help toward the same objective that all of the United Nations have—freedom of France and with it the unity of France.”
GIRAUD THANKS ROOSEVELT
General Giraud, in responding, thanked the President for the support being given France and expressed gratification for American assistance in rearming the soldiers of France.
He then raised his glass in a toast to the President and “the glory of the United States,” referring to this country as “that great nation through which peace and freedom will be restored to the world.”
JULY 11, 1943
GIRAUD’S VISIT REVIVES CONTROVERSY
Americans Caught Up In Emotional Storm That Has Swept Over Frenchmen—President Disappoints Both Sides
By HAROLD CALLENDER
Special to The New York Times.
WASHINGTON, July 10—The visit to Washington this week of General Henri-Honoré Giraud, who is commander of the French forces in North and West Africa and shares with General Charles de Gaulle the chairmanship of the new French Committee of National Liberation at Algiers, has revived the impassioned controversy that has raged around those two men and the situation in North Africa for six months.
It has raged in North Africa, in London and in Washington, with echoes in remoter places like Moscow and Tahiti and New Caledonia. Although Algiers has not been’ silent—it never is—the storm center this week has been Washington.
At a huge reception for General Giraud yesterday the ballroom of one of the largest Washington hotels glittered with French, British and American uniforms. In that room this correspondent listened to a de Gaullist who felt sure the United States had ruined its reputation in Europe by interfering in French affairs so far as to insist that General Giraud be retained as French commander.
CLASHING OPINIONS
A few feet away he met a Giraudist who warmly praised the official American policy and said the de Gaullists were about as important as their armed forces in North Africa, which numbered 11,000 in a total French force of about 70,000.
Both de Gaullists and Giraudists expressed consternation at the remark made earlier that day by President Roosevelt to the effect that the French were under Germany’s heel and therefore there was no France now.
What, undoubtedly, Mr. Roosevelt meant was that there was no French State to speak for France. If he had said that, his words would have caused less astonishment, but perhaps not much less disappointment; for Frenchmen of both groups have hoped the committee at Algiers would be recognized by the Allies as the ad interim French authority that might speak for France in Allied councils and hold as trustee for France all available territories, including Martinique.
Americans too have been drawn into the emotional torrent. There are Americans sitting at desks in Washington who lose their tempers at the mere mention of de Gaulle or Giraud. Some who were ardent for General de Gaulle have gone to North Africa and come back ardent for General Giraud, or vice versa.
Correspondents here who think it their duty to tell their readers of the official coolness toward General de Gaulle and why it exists are swamped with letters denouncing them for maligning General de Gaulle.
There is something about this controversy that upsets the emotional and perhaps the intellectual equilibrium not only of Frenchmen but of Americans and Britons. It is certainly not the quiet, composed, gentle personality of General Giraud, whose only or at least whose main desire seems to be to kill Germans in a systematic, professional and mechanically efficient manner so as to liberate France and restore French institutions, including, no doubt, the right of Frenchmen to quarrel endlessly among themselves as they have traditionally done.
EMOTION UNLEASHED
General
Giraud’s appearance in Washington happened to unleash a new flood of emotion because it was a logical occasion for defining what our officials would describe as the de Gaulle problem and the present attitude of the principal Allies toward it.
The emotionally provocative qualities of the controversy derive from two assumptions on the part of the de Gaul-lists and the reactions to those assumptions in other quarters.
The first assumption is that General de Gaulle or his movement represents the French people in a special sense—the “petits gens” or little fellows or forgotten men who work hard for a living and have no family estates or distinguished ancestors—the masses who live what may be called the left side of the line of demarcation that has run through the French nation without much variation since the Revolution of 1789.
According to this view Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain and his circle sinned not only by too readily accepting defeat and collaboration, but principally by being politically and socially reactionary—by representing those who never accepted the French Revolution; and de Gaullism is therefore depicted as the youthful, progressive, democratic side of France.
DYNAMIC NATIONALISM
The second assumption is that de Gaullism embodies a dynamic French nationalism indispensable to the revival of a ravaged nation, a nationalism the arteries of which have not begun to harden.
It is a ruthless nationalism calling for purges on all sides and even whisperings of guillotines. It is directed not only against the Germans but just now also against the Allies, who are accused of unnecessarily infringing French sovereignty by taking possession of ports and communications in North Africa and by dictating who shall command the French forces.