The New York Times Book of World War II, 1939-1945
Page 112
Moscow Shows Resentment Over Any Discussion of Future Boundaries of Russia to Westward
By EDWIN L. JAMES
As the Russian armies, driving against the Germans, cross the frontiers of Poland, the issue of the future frontiers between Russia and Poland comes to the front with an accentuated sharpness. The complication of the situation may well be illustrated by saying that the statement that Stalin’s armies have crossed Poland’s frontiers means a reference to the borders of Poland before Hitler attacked her in 1939. But at the same time the Russians do not say they have crossed the frontiers of Poland. The frontier does not appear on new Russian maps. That leads to the logical assumption that the Russians consider that, where others think they have crossed the Polish border, they think they are fighting on Russian soil there.
To illustrate: Last week, when most American newspapers announced the Russian crossing of the Polish border, New York’s Communist paper The Daily Worker came out with a frontpage box entitled “A Lesson in Geography,” the gravamen of which was that the Polish border lay a long way ahead of where the Red armies had reached. The reference was ostensibly to the line fixed by Hitler and Stalin when they divided up Poland in the fall of 1939. That was, it will be recalled, when Berlin and Moscow were working under a treaty of friendship. Now, of course, the Comintern is abolished and perhaps theoretically The Daily Worker is no longer getting its orders from Moscow. So perhaps the lesson in geography represented a bit of mental telepathy. Perhaps not.
At any rate there are ample indications that the Russians do not feel bound by the old frontiers of Poland, although, interestingly enough, there is no official Moscow statement that Russia adheres to the line drawn in her bargain with Hitler.
SOME CHANGES DUE
It is a perfectly good guess that the Russians will desire to make some changes in the eastern border of Poland, and that at the expense of Poland. Most students of the situation think that Poland will lose the Ukrainian region that was within her frontiers and also, further to the north, the region known as Byelo-Russia. Not that the Ukrainians are burning with any desire to join Russia, but it can be argued that the Russians regard the larger part of Ukraine as theirs and that the Ukrainians who were in Poland form a natural part of this territory.
It may, of course, be true that the Russians are thinking of the line which was drawn by them and Hitler and which would take away about 40 per cent of Polish territory. But there is no official evidence that that is true. There has also been some talk of Moscow’s taking over Galicia to make a common frontier with Czechoslovakia. But Stalin has not said so, and it is to be borne in mind that this region did not belong to Russia prior to 1914; it was a part of Austria.
Attention may also be given to the fact that the Polish Committee set up in Moscow under the aegis of the Russians has been talking of compensating Poland by giving her German Galicia and perhaps East Prussia. East Prussia might prove hard for the Poles to digest, but the fact that there is talk of compensating Poland in other directions for what she may lose to the east is to be kept in mind.
DIFFICULTIES FOR POLES
It would be difficult to imagine a more complicated situation than that in which the Poles find themselves. Moscow has broken off relations with the Government-in-Exile. Even when that Government urges its underground not to fight the Russians on Polish soil, a gesture that should please the Russians, the circumstance that the Poles, as perhaps they felt obliged to do, spoke of their right, territorial and political, has brought upon them no end of criticism from Moscow and from Russian advocates outside Russia.
There is in this country a large mass of sympathy for the Poles—due in part to the presence on our soil as good citizens of so many persons of Polish blood. That is a circumstance that certainly weighs with our President. Yet the biggest job there is before Mr. Roosevelt is the conquest of Germany, and Stalin has done more militarily against the Nazis than any other United Nations leader. And he is expected to do more. Whether or not the Poles consider Russia as their ally, certainly our Government considers Russia as an ally of this country and a very powerful and therefore valuable ally.
No one blames the Poles for being worried and for fearing what they will regard as injustices. But the idea may be advanced that until after President Roosevelt and Premier Mikolajcyzk have their talks it might be a good thing for the Poles to make fewer statements that might increase the difficulties of the situation.
FEBRUARY 2, 1944
QUIRKS OF CENSORS PUZZLE TO WRITERS
Correspondents in The Field Astonished When Home Press Reveals Guarded Secrets
By FRANK L. KLUCKHOHN
By Wireless to The New York Times.
ALLIED HEAD QUARTERS IN AUSTRALIA, Feb. 1—The question of censorship in the war theatres remains a subject of key importance—as it has been since the war started—to the American people, who are anxious for accurate news.
American war correspondents in the field during various operations recently were astonished by printed disclosures at home blueprinting not only with words but maps future moves about which the men on the spot have maintained oral as well as written silence; for there is no man in the world more security-minded than a correspondent about to risk his life with a landing, whether it be in Sicily, Europe or the Pacific area. Correspondents in some theatres—principally the European—after agreeing to security censorship, have been amazed to have censors tell them bluntly, “This is being halted for political reasons.”
STORIES NOT ALWAYS OFFICIAL
But there is not one news writer in the field who would write a word that would cost the life of one American fighting man. Starting on expeditions in which they know they share the risks, correspondents have been amazed to see home magazines and newspapers forecasting exactly what is going to be done and giving the enemy a chance to get set.
One example of this—although it was not the primary cause of the heavy loss of life, as it turned out—was an accurate prediction of the Navy’s move into the Gilbert Islands. Sometimes, fortunately, these predictions are inaccurate, so the enemy cannot be sure they are absolutely correct.
Some serious critics believe that one reason for disappointment in the Italian campaign was that the American landing at Salerno was so well “telegraphed” that the enemy was set to meet it.
But the mere assumption that because a news article passes military censorship it has the stamp of official approval is incorrect. For example, in this theatre Gen. Douglas MacArthur confines censorship to what he regards as primary military security. Anyone can write anything he wishes to about political matters and about military matters where security is not involved. The reports may not accord with official desires, to say nothing of having official endorsement. Anyone here, for instance is free to do any speculating he likes about General MacArthur’s position vis-a-vis home policy.
CONDITIONS ALTER REGULATIONS
The views this correspondent, or any correspondent, expresses on General MacArthur’s political stands are his own deductions and are not official and this will continue to remain true.
As far as military matters are concerned, this correspondent today passed a news report through censorship that Rabaul, a key Japanese base, was not neutralized. Several months ago General MacArthur said it was neutralized, but he was speaking of a temporary situation at the time. On the other hand, if this correspondent wrote an article predicting this theatre’s next move, his story would be halted.
As far as this theatre is concerned, censorship, it is believed, will continue to be held to a minimum, and what leaves here through censorship does not necessarily have the stamp of official approval.
Security is the only type of censorship to which the war correspondents have knowingly agreed. Correspondents covering current actions, however, have been amazed by the “spilling” of prospective moves in home publications. In the long run this will lead to tightening the censorship rules, which, with many faults, have permitted a large measure of
truth to reach the American people.
FEBRUARY 3, 1944
SWIFT SUCCESS CROWNS THE KWAJALEIN CAMPAIGN
ATOLL ISLETS FALL
By GEORGE F. HORNE
By Telephone to The New York Times.
PEARL HARBOR, Feb. 2—The marines have captured Roi Island, primary objective in the northern portion of Kwajalein Atoll in the Marshall Islands and the first prewar Japanese territory to fall to United States forces.
Without a single naval loss and with “very moderate” casualties, we have accomplished what no one apparently believed we could do. We have taken the Japanese by surprise, overwhelmed them with unprecedented striking power and in two days of fighting have captured one of the three principal objectives in the atoll.
American forces have landed on Namur, an island connected with Roi by a causeway, and pushed the enemy back to its northern extreme. In the southern part of Kwajalein Atoll troops of the Seventh Infantry Division under Maj. Gen. Charles H. Corlett are well established on Kwajalein Island and are forcing the enemy back.
Our marines and infantrymen have demonstrated to the enemy that we also can strike with terrific force when and where he least expects it. The astonishing early success of the Marshalls operation may well shorten by many weeks a campaign thought of in terms of months.
ATTACK LONG PLANNED
Admiral Chester W. Nimitz, Commander in Chief of the Pacific Fleet and Pacific Ocean Areas, who, with other naval and military authorities conducting the Central Pacific war, planned the campaign months in advance and with precious attention to every detail, issued information on the successful early stages at 11 A.M.
His communiqué says it is “now apparent that the attack took the enemy completely by surprise.”
Presumably the enemy considered the Saturday carrier attack as another heavy task force blow and prepared to meet it as best they could, as they had met the one last December. When the carriers continued the attack on Sunday, the enemy was unable to maintain his defenses. The following morning when American assault forces stormed ashore on small islands near the objectives, the enemy realized it was an allout invasion assault.
Roi Island (1), site of an air base, has been captured by American marines. The invaders first took Mellu and Boggerlapp (2), then crossed over to Ennugarret, Ennumennet and Ennubirr, thus flanking Roi. The Japanese have now been herded into the northern corner of Namur, just east of Roi. In the southern part of the atoll (3) American infantrymen captured Gea—by mistake in the dark—then crossed to their intended objective, Ninni. They also occupied Ennylabegan and Enubuj; in Kwajalein (4) they are pushing the enemy back. The entire campaign was supported by an armada gathered from far-flung bases in the Pacific (inset).
A significant sentence in Admiral Nimitz’s communiqué may contain one clue to the remarkable operation: “Continuous bombardments of beaches by our warships, planes and land-based artillery enabled our forces to make landings on the three principal objectives with little resistance.”
A spokesman at fleet headquarters disclosed supplementary details. After the initial landings on Kwajalein Island, which probably came yesterday, troops of the Seventh Division encountered considerable rifle and machine-gun fire and some mortar fire. It was explained, however, that the most formidable immediate obstacle to our troops seemed to be huge fires started earlier by our heavy bombardment, both by surface and aircraft.
SEVERAL DOZEN CAPTIVES
We have captured “several dozen prisoners” at Kwajalein Island, and there are indications that we may take more than we did in the Gilbert Islands. The enemy military strength is unknown, although probably considerable.
It was also disclosed at fleet headquarters that neutralization of the enemy’s other defense points throughout the Marshall Islands was continuing unabated, with planes of the Seventh Army Air Force and Fleet Air Wing 2 carrying out systematic attacks.
Carrier-based planes were coordinating bombing attacks with artillery and naval shelling to cover the main landing. The carriers have been in almost continuous action for four days now, and today would be the fifth. The ability to carry on such heavy action may offer a clue to the size of the carrier force used.
With possession of the excellent, though small, airfield on Roi Island so early we will be able to consolidate our position in the Marshall Islands more quickly than was anticipated. When we get the air strip on Kwajalein we will be further strengthened for the counterattacks the enemy is almost certain to launch.
Roi Island’s two runways are 3,600 feet and 4,300 feet long and are excellent for smaller planes but short for heavy craft. On Kwajalein there is a runway of 5,000 feet that can be extended.
These strips are probably not in the best condition, but our forces are able to put them in fair shape in a brief time.
FEBRUARY 8, 1944
CASSINO DEFENSES LIKE STONE WALL
By C. L. SULZBERGER
By Wireless to The New York Times.
WITH THE FIFTH ARMY IN ITALY, Feb. 7—In the sixth successive day since they first crept into the outer ridge of stone houses of the little mountain town of Cassino, American troops kept up their stubborn fight, trying to expand their hard-won toehold.
But, despite the continual Allied shelling that is crumbling many of their defenses around them, the Germans are still desperately beating back all major assaults designed to force open the gateway into the broad Liri Valley and the highway to the Anzio beachhead and Rome.
The grimy, unshaven infantry squads in the small cluster of ruined buildings are still virtually on the outskirts of Cassino. They are maintaining themselves against all counter-attacks, but they are finding it still virtually impossible to break through toward the town’s main square past the enemy tanks and self-propelled guns continually dodging about behind the wrecks of houses and supported by hidden artillery ensconced in concrete cellar bunkers and steel pillboxes manned with machine guns.
GUNNERS STILL IN OLD CASTLE
Despite the terrible pounding of the medieval castle on the hilltop above the town, which continued today, the German gunners there still opened up against the Americans whenever they sought to cross the gully separating them from the rise and storm the height. It dominates the position today as much as when its engineers conceived its military use centuries ago.
Smoke rising from Castle Hill during the Battle of Monte Cassino, Italy, February 6, 1944.
Although the present struggle has been one of house-to-house fighting for six days, the actual battle for Cassino may be said to be twenty-three days old. It started with the main attack on the Trocchio feature before the town. The Rapido River was crossed by tanks on Jan. 29.
The Germans are making every effort to stave off as long as possible, by their stone-wall defenses, the completion of the breach of the Gustav Line and the Allies’ entry into the Liri Valley. Nevertheless, behind Cassino, Allied infantry units won control of three new elevations. Behind Mount Cassino and its famous abbey they have established forward points only a mile from the Via Casilina, possibly menacing the eventual route of the German withdrawal if they can consolidate and reinforce their gains.
Constant small attacks against Mount Cassino continued all last night and today, but the ban on shelling the abbey’s grounds made it exceedingly difficult for the artillery to give any support, since American patrols are only about 300 yards from the abbey. Nevertheless, some careful concentrations were aimed at the zigzag road leading up to the monastery from the town. Over this route the Germans must supply their units defending the height. Our troops are so near the landmark that they can easily read the sign posts warning that it is neutral territory of the Vatican.
FEBRUARY 16, 1944
PRELATES DEFEND BOMBING OF ABBEY
Blame Germans For Employing Monastery As Lookout
BALTIMORE, Md., Feb. 15 (AP)—The Most Rev. Michael J. Curley, Archbishop of Baltimore and Washington, expressed regret today at the necessity for bombing the Benedictine monastery
at Mount Cassino, but said that “every Catholic throughout the world, I am sure, will understand…”
“If it had to be bombed, I am very sure that our American fighting men had no desire whatever to destroy that glorious symbol and fixed sanctuary of Christianity,” he said. “The Germans evidently took advantage of the American attitude toward such a monument and, according to all information, they took possession of that sacred place in order to carry out their nefarious warfare.”
FEBRUARY 20, 1944
The Doughboy’s Grim Road To Rome
By C. L. Sulzberger with the Fifth Army
SUNNY Italy, land of rich tourists and eternal bright blue sky, is to the average American doughboy an endless road of sticky mud dotted with minefields, a series of forbidding gray mountain crags filled with almost inaccessible gun pits; murky, freezing rivers rushing past shattered bridges; a collection of barren, gutted villages peopled with tattered scavengers—all set beneath gray, cloud-filled sky dripping rain, sleet and more rain. In the vernacular he has borrowed from his British ally, the American doughboy says that so far as Italy is concerned, “I’ve had it.”
It was a captured German general who told his interrogators that the western desert was a tactician’s paradise and a quartermaster’s hell. Italy is a tactician’s hell and a quartermaster’s purgatory. For the United States Army, from its commander to its smallest squad of infantry men, this campaign is like something out the lower reaches of Dante’s “Divine Comedy,” and there is nothing either divine or comic about it. General Sherman’s description of war in general, rather than Baedeker’s description of Italy, is applicable in this festering, bewildered land today.