Rosewater (Movie Tie-in Edition)

by Maziar Bahari

  · · ·

  Rosewater’s organizational name is Javadi. He was born in 1978 and joined the Guards in 1996. A colonel in the Guards, he comes from a traditional religious family originally from the city of Isfahan; his parents moved to Tehran before he was born. Javadi’s father was, as he told me, a Khomeini follower, and had been imprisoned during the shah’s time. Javadi’s uncle and older brothers are also Guards members. He was among the first generation of Guards to go through the Basirat, or Wisdom, indoctrination courses. Javadi received a master’s degree in political science from Tehran University and had taken several anti-espionage courses. He is usually referred to as Gondeheh, the Big Guy, because of his size, or Char Cheshmi, the Four-Eyed One, because of his thick glasses.

  Throughout my interrogation, Javadi told his bosses that he was making good progress with me. Having forced many student activists since 2000 to make false confessions, he has gained a reputation as one of the Guards’ toughest interrogators. Because of this, his bosses trusted him and left him alone with me for long periods of time.

  I also learned that Javadi had personally chosen me as the individual who could connect the reformists to the foreign media. According to a Guards member, they first thought of arresting my friend Nazila Fathi, a New York Times reporter, but Rosewater convinced them to arrest me. I was a filmmaker and a journalist, and I worked both in Iran and outside it, so by arresting me they could intimidate different groups of people. “He told everyone that he had caught a real spy after the first interrogation sessions. In his book, only a spy could travel as much as you did and have as many friends as you have,” the guardsman told me. “After the media campaign for you started, he became certain that you were a spy.”

  According to another anonymous guardsman, “The Big Guy still thinks you are a spy and follows your every move. He never fails to remind his bosses that you shouldn’t have been released.”

  What seems to be particularly incensing to the Guards is my invitation to nonviolence and peaceful resistance against Khamenei’s regime. In almost all the interviews I’ve done since my release, I’ve emphasized that the most successful achievement of the regime would be transforming the opposition into a mirror image of the regime itself: a vicious, bigoted thug. “The Guards understand violence,” an Iranian diplomat told me. “But your insistence on nonviolence is difficult for them to fathom, and because of that they are cursing themselves for letting you go.” The man who woke me up on that morning in June 2009 and put me through a nightmare for 118 days lives a nightmare every day. He is the one who spends his time in Evin, in a small, dark room, beating and humiliating innocent people. He is just another employee of a bad system, a by-product of ignorance and religious zealotry. One of these days I’ll send him a package, addressed care of Evin Prison, Tehran, Iran. The package will include a plane ticket to New Jersey, a collection of Chekhov plays, and a Leonard Cohen CD. And, before I forget, a new perfume.

  Javadi may still hold a personal grudge against me, but I can honestly say that I feel no animosity toward him. In the first few weeks after my release, I was practically allergic to the smell of rosewater—one whiff would make me nauseous—and I dreamt of him almost every night. But soon after Marianna’s birth, those nightmares were interrupted by her cries. When I held Marianna in my arms, I did not think of anything except for how much I love her and how much I want to share with her in the future. These days I rarely have nightmares about Rosewater; even the scent of rosewater doesn’t bother me anymore. Moloojoon, Paola, and Marianna are my world. Marianna is learning Persian, and I will try to keep her aware of her roots. She will be part of a generation who will make a better Iran, and a better world. I only wish Maryam and Baba Akbar were here to see her growing up. I’m sure they would be proud of her.

  To Moloojoon, Baba Akbar, Maryam,

  Paola, and Marianna

  Acknowledgments

  This acknowledgment can’t do justice to those who have done nothing less than save my life. I am indebted to anyone whose thoughts, words, and actions saved me from languishing in Evin Prison.

  Nisid Hajari, Christopher Dickey, Fareed Zakaria, Jon Meacham, Mark Miller, Daniel Klaidman, Lally Weymouth, Frank De Maria, and all my former colleagues at Newsweek launched the most amazing campaign for my release. While doing so, they had the full support of Don Graham and Ann McDaniel of the Washington Post Company.

  Newsweek, The Washington Post, and their lawyer Robert Kimmitt successfully rallied international diplomats and dignitaries to support me in private and public meetings with Iranian officials. I especially have to thank American secretary of state Hillary Clinton; former secretary of state Madeleine Albright; Bishop Desmond Tutu (thanks, Susan, John, and everyone at Search for Common Ground); Canadian foreign minister Lawrence Cannon; Canadian prime minister Stephen Harper; as well as Canadian consular and diplomatic officers in Tehran, London, and Ottawa. Canadian opposition leaders Michael Ignatieff of the Liberal Party and Jack Layton of the New Democratic Party (thanks, Amy Marcus) also did their utmost to bring public attention to my case. Dozens of diplomats from all around the world do not want their names mentioned, but I appreciate their efforts and thank them all.

  The help of my friends at Channel 4 News—Deborah Rayner (as well as R and MG), Jim Grey, Ben De Pear, Jonathan Miller, Lindsey Hillsum, Jon Snow, Sarah Corp, Dorothy Byrne, and others—was integral to the campaign, as was the support given by my friends at the BBC, especially Adrienne van Heteren, Jane Corbin, and Sandy Smith.

  Iranian journalists and filmmakers bravely objected to my arrest in several letters to the authorities. They showed the Iranian government that my arrest would not intimidate and scare them (Chakereh hamegi!). My lawyer in Iran, Saleh Nikbakht, continues to show exemplary valor by defending the rights of prisoners of conscience in the country despite constant harassment by the government (Mokhlesim!).

  My friends and colleagues at the International Documentary Film Festival Amsterdam, the Committee to Protect Journalists, Index on Censorship, Canadian Journalists for Free Expression, PEN, Reporters Sans Frontières, the International Bar Association, and many other groups brought together an outstanding collection of individuals to sign petitions for my release and lobbied the Iranian government. People in the Iranian government tell me that the regime paid attention to every single petition. I am indebted to every person who signed the petitions.

  Please continue supporting the efforts of organizations that champion human rights and freedom of expression, wherever you live. Remember that dozens of Iranian prisoners of conscience are going through the same ordeal I did. Silent diplomacy usually does not work. Speak out loudly in support of human rights!

  Thank you to the people behind Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, for making the lives of authoritarian regimes more difficult. Bravo David Piaia, who organized the Facebook campaign, and David Shem-tov, who set up the www.freemaziarbahari.org website.

  Countless friends and family members supported Paola during the ordeal and have continued to support us since my release, especially Barbara, who supported Paola during her pregnancy and the launch of the campaign. I owe so much to our friends at Latham & Watkins, as well as Malu, David, Chus, Lizzy, Masoud, Siavush, Jo, Fariba (and the family), Simon, Kirsten, Fred, Cynthia, Jacki, and Greg, who all put their thoughts together and staged the most remarkable campaign.

  YOU don’t want your name to be mentioned, but I really don’t know how I can ever pay back YOUR kindness. You are my brothers. Taa aakhareh omr madyoon SHOMAA hastam.

  Rosewater’s memorable, albeit idiotic, narrow-minded, and terrifying, lines were difficult to forget. I started to write down my memories of Evin as soon as I left Iran. I had also sent long emails to my Newsweek editors and kept notes of my reporting of the pre-election period. This book has been based on those notes.

  Rosewater and his cohorts shouldn’t look for Amir. He is a composite character based on a few different high-ranking former members of the Iranian governm
ent. They were revolutionaries in 1979 but now hate the current Khamenei regime. Hamashoon az gozashtashoon pashimoonand. Shomaa ham yek rooz pashimoon mishid.

  The readers can understand that I had to create the composite character of Amir in order to show the differences of opinion within the Islamic Republic establishment. I also had to change the name of my motorcycle cabbie at his request.

  This book would not be possible without the support of the best people in the publishing world. Amanda Urban at ICM has been the guardian angel of the book. My co-writer, Aimee Molloy, put my scattered thoughts together and helped me get over my fear of writing my first book and the trauma of remembering the ordeal. The suggestions made by my editors, Kate Medina and Lindsey Schwoeri, took the book to another level. The book benefited a lot from comments by Barbara, John, Karim, Farideh, Jon, Naghmeh, Siavush, David, and Chris, who were kind enough to read the first draft.

  Thank you, Maryam Dilmaghani, Ahmad Karimi Hakkak, and Mahvash Shahegh, who kindly gave me permission to use their translations of Persian poetry of Farrokhzad, Shamlou, and Akhavan Sales, respectively, in the book.

  The main joy of writing this book was feeling Baba Akbar’s and Maryam’s presence next to me. Khayli delam baraatoon tang shodeh. The support that Mohammad, Khaled, and Iran give to me every day means so much to me. Moloojoon’s detailed memory surprises me; many of the historical details about my family came out of long interviews with Moloojoon. Each conversation made me love her even more for her patience, perseverance, and strength. Khayli khayli doostetoon daaram.

  Paola and I were finally married in June 2010, more than a year after our lives were rudely interrupted. I had never expected that I’d be holding my baby at my wedding, but on that day I was so happy that Marianna was there to witness Paola and me celebrating the end of a dark chapter of our lives together.

  Paola’s campaign was, of course, the main reason that I was released, but her sharp criticism and attention to details were also integral in giving the book its current shape. I’m so sorry for my knee-jerk reactions to your criticisms. I love you very much, Mrs. Bahari!

  Who’s Who

  Mohammad Ali Abtahi (b. 1958): reformist cleric and former vice president of Iran; adviser to presidential candidate Mehdi Karroubi during the 2009 election.

  Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (b. 1956): current president of Iran; former mayor of Tehran (2004–05) and former governor of Ardabil Province (1993–97).

  Feizollah Arabsorkhi (b. 1952): reformist politician; a founding member of the reformist party Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization (MIRO).

  Mohammad Atrianfar (b. 1953): newspaper publisher and reformist politician; former intelligence official.

  Mehdi Karroubi (b. 1937): a leader of the opposition and the head of the National Trust Party; former speaker of parliament (1989–92 and 2000–04).

  Ali Hosseini Khamenei (b. 1939): current supreme leader of Iran; former president (1981–89). One of the leaders of the 1979 Islamic Revolution and an adviser to Ruhollah Khomeini.

  Mohammad Khatami (b. 1943): one of the main opposition leaders; former president of Iran (1997–2005).

  Ruhollah Khomeini (1902–1989): leader of the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

  Sadegh Mahsouli (b. 1959): current minister of welfare and social security; minister of interior during the 2009 presidential election; former Revolutionary Guards commander and one of the wealthiest men in Iran.

  Hossein Ali Montazeri (1922–2009): the highest-ranking critic of the Islamic regime among Iran’s Shia clerics; an acolyte of Ruhollah Khomeini and his heir apparent (1979–88).

  Judge Saeed Mortazavi (b. 1967): general prosecutor of Tehran (2003–09). As a judge (1997–2003), he was responsible for sentencing scores of journalists and human-rights activists and shutting down dozens of newspapers.

  Mir Hossein Mousavi (b. 1942): an opposition leader and the main reformist presidential candidate during the 2009 election; former prime minister of Iran (1981–89).

  Behzad Nabavi (b. 1941): reformist politician; a founding member of the reformist party Mojahedin of the Islamic Revolution Organization (MIRO); former deputy speaker of parliament (2000–04) and minister of industries (1985–89).

  Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1919–1980): the last shah of Iran (1941–79).

  Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani (b. 1934): former president of Iran (1989–97); former speaker of the Majlis (1980–89). One of the leaders of the 1979 Islamic Revolution and an adviser to Ruhollah Khomeini.

  Mehdi Hashemi Rafsanjani (b. 1969): the fourth child of Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani. Mehdi was part of a reformists’ committee to prevent fraud in the 2009 elections and bankrolled at least one anti-Ahmadinejad website before the election.

  Massoud Rajavi (b. 1948): the leader of the Mujahideen Khalq Organization (MKO) since the 1970s.

  Mohsen Rezaei (b. 1954): current secretary of the Expediency Council; a presidential candidate during the 2009 election; former chief commander of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (1981–97).

  Reza Shah (1878–1944): father of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi and shah of Iran (1925–41).

  Mohsen Safaei Farahani (b. 1946): reformist politician; founding member of the Islamic Iran Participation Front. A former high-ranking official of the Islamic Republic (1979–2005).

  Youssef Sanei (b. 1937): one of the highest-ranking critics of the regime among Shia clerics; former chair of the Council of Guardians (1980–88).

  Saeed Shariati (b. 1973): a reformist activist and spokesman for the Islamic Iran Participation Front (2003–09).

  Hossein Taeb (b. 1943): head of the Revolutionary Guards’ intelligence unit and a member of the Revolutionary Guards since 1981; commander of the Basij (2007–09).

  Kian Tajbakhsh (b. 1962): an Iranian-American scholar. He worked as a consultant for a number of international organizations and is the author of two books and numerous articles on Iranian state institutions and the policy-making process in Iran.

  Time Line

  This time line is not meant to be a history of Iran. Rather, it is designed to provide background information on some of the events in the book while highlighting Iranians’ ongoing struggle for self-determination since 1906.

  IRAN

  The home of one of the most ancient civilizations in the world has been called Iran by the natives since A.D. 200. The country was known to the West as Persia until 1935.

  1906: PERSIAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVOLUTION

  Persia is ruled by the corrupt, religious, and reactionary kings of the Qajar dynasty, who came to power in the late eighteenth century. Persia in the time of the Qajars is a collection of fiefdoms run by local strongmen and princes. Meanwhile in the capital, Tehran, the shahs, or kings, support their lavish lifestyles by acting as puppets to the British and Russian Empires, which bribe the shahs and treat Iran as part of their territories.

  After centuries of tyrannical rule under the shahs and foreign interference in their country, Persian merchants, clerics, and secular intellectuals rebel and, in the first revolution of its kind in Asia, force the shah to accept the establishment of the Majlis, or parliament, and the passage of a constitution. The king at the time, Mozaffaredin Shah, reluctantly signs a decree, according to which the crown becomes “a divine gift given to the shah by the people.” This is the first time that a monarch in Asia accepts the idea that his actions should be supervised by representatives of the people.

  A year later, the new king, Mohammad Ali Shah, attacks the parliament building with cannons and tries to abolish the Majlis. For many years, the country is engulfed in chaos. Persians look for a government to provide them with security and rule of law, as well as the freedom promised to them in the Constitution.

  1908: DISCOVERY OF OIL

  Under the supervision of British engineers and scientists, oil is discovered in the southwestern province of Khuzestan. A British entrepreneur named William Knox D’Arcy had already obtained exclusive rights to pump oil in many parts of the country. The company t
hat inherits D’Arcy’s rights is called the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, later known as BP, British Petroleum. Even though Iran has not been a British colony, the British Empire has treated it as one for many years. After the discovery of oil, the situation becomes worse. Corrupt and weak central and local officials are bribed or coerced into helping the British exploit Persian oil freely. The taxes paid by the oil company to the British government are more than the percentage paid to Iran for the oil itself.

  1921: THE REIGN OF REZA SHAH

  Reza Khan, a commander of the Persian army, and several other disgruntled prominent Iranians stage a coup to rid Iran of corruption and insecurity and establish a strong central government. Reza Khan, who eventually becomes the head of the army, wants to abolish the monarchy in Iran and establish a republic. But the mullahs, or Shia clerics, object to this decision. The mullahs believe that Persia needs a strong king who can protect Islam in the country.

  Reza Khan becomes the new king in 1925, and is subsequently known as Reza Shah. He changes the country’s international name to Iran in 1935. Reza Shah tries to resurrect the glory of the Persian kings while modernizing Iran by using Western models. New industries, roads, and railroads are built, universities are established, and hundreds of young Iranians are sent to Europe to be educated. A generation of the Persian elite learns Western technical know-how, and at the same time becomes familiarized with such modern concepts as democracy, rule of law, and freedom of expression. Despite his fascination with the West, Reza Shah, a ruthless despot, has little patience for civil liberties. He jails, tortures, and kills his critics and bans opposition political parties. Reza Shah also thinks of the mullahs, who helped him come to power, as obstacles to his modernizing of Iran. He bans the wearing of the Islamic veil for women and forces men and women to wear Western clothes.