It’s a time to prove to myself and to others that I can do it… it’s a time to prove to all those other people who said I couldn’t… I don’t want to be known as just ‘Amy’, if you know what I mean.
Due to the ostracism female bodybuilders experience in their daily lives, the competition appears to be of particular importance to them, compared to their male counterparts. It seems to act as a consecration of these women’s identities –
elevating them from the status of just a woman who trains hard to that of a female bodybuilder.2 This distinction is elucidated by Michelle in the following interview extract:
•
What advice would you give a female who wanted to become a bodybuilder?
I would say, do they really understand what it takes to be a bodybuilder and do they really know what is that difference between training and bodybuilding? The difference is the diet to get ready for competition… Many, many people can train and many people can eat well and eat healthily. But not many people can do that strict, hideous, gruelling, soul crushing diet to get to the end – or go on stage.
The competition then appears to act as a ‘rite of passage’, whereby female bodybuilders pass from being simply females who weight train in the gym to actually becoming female bodybuilders. Given the travails that have been charted throughout the course of this book, it should be clear by now that this is no straightforward, automatic process. Success would be a major achievement given all we have learnt about people’s prejudices about female bodybuilders and the stigmatization these women face, especially outside the gym, in their daily lives.
Indeed, there appears to be an element of heroism here (Weber 1991 [1915b]). As these women reject the gendered ‘interaction order’ (Goffman 1983) on which ordinary life is based in favour of an extraordinary life – which not only threatens the possibility of them ever being able to reintegrate back into society, but also
‘entails the deliberate risking of life itself’ – they seem to qualify for Featherstone’s (1995a: 58) notion of the ‘heroic life’. In this context, the women’s lifestyle of dedication, sacrifice and commitment to the muscular order bears similarities
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with heroic characters such as warriors, who battle against the odds on a ‘quest for virtue, glory and fame, which contrasts with the lesser everyday pursuit of wealth, property and earthly love’ (Featherstone 1995a: 59). Other relevant heroic descriptors identified by Featherstone include masculine traits of ‘sacrifice, distinction, discipline, dignity, self-denial, self-restraint and commitment to a cause’
(ibid.: 66). Another similarity between Featherstone’s depiction of the ‘hero’ and the female bodybuilder is their sense of fate. For heroes ‘to achieve great deeds requires both luck’ and a ‘sense of destiny’ (ibid.: 59). This belief is expounded by Michelle:
I guess I feel very lucky that I’m doing what I was born to do…It’s like on some level I’ve just always known this is what I was going to do – I knew it was what I’ve got to do.
Furthermore, the ‘gruelling’ and ‘soul-crushing’ pre-competition diet (which requires participants to reduce their body fat to abnormally low levels, whilst at the same time retaining their muscularity) requires almost ‘superhuman’ extraordinary traits of courage, endurance and sacrifice. In his lecture ‘Politics as a Vocation’, Weber (1991 [1915b]) claims:
There is the ‘heroic’ ethic, which imposes on men demands of principle to which they are generally not able to do justice, except at high points in their lives, but which serve as signposts pointing the way for man’s endless striving.
The heroic personality thereby sacrifices all and lives a life immersed in suffering, in order to achieve their ultimate goals and values. As Rubin (1994: 141–6) explains, the moral, life-governing aspirations of the heroic ethic impose ‘a tyranny of demand on everyday living’, but provide meaning and purpose in an increasingly rationalized world. In a similar manner, female bodybuilders endure their mental and physical hardships, trials and tribulations with the reward of living life according to their own beliefs and principles: a life which may be challenging and difficult, but one that provides them with direction, focus, fulfilment and desire.
Feminist perspectives on the competition
Bolin (1992: 184) claims that competitions promote ‘androgyny’ and possibilities for women’s ‘empowerment’, and perceives ‘dieting and the pre-competition preparation as a liminal phase embodying contestation and anti-structure’. Bolin argues that as women reach their ‘peak physique’ on competition day, they achieve a moment of ‘bodily nirvana and physical transcendence’ (ibid.: 195) – ‘a moment in and out of time’ (Turner 1969: 96). Furthermore, she argues that the bodybuilding competition process allows a form of gender blending, whereby the strict gender dichotomies of masculine and feminine begin to dissolve. Whilst male bodybuilders
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do diet – an activity firmly associated with the feminine – female bodybuilders diet to display their muscularity and ‘hardness’, considered masculine attributes.
More critical feminists, however, argue that competitions are detrimental for muscular women. For example, Ian (2001: 82) claims that as the female bodybuilder relies upon the Other – the gaze of the judges and fans – to validate whether or not she has fleetingly achieved ‘thingification’, she is unable to transcend ideology:
She can only see herself as reflected by fans and judges, in their appraisals of her flesh… In other words, the pinnacle of the bodybuilder’s training cycle is the moment when she offers this body, which she has disciplined with religious intensity as if preparing it for sacrifice, to the reigning social ideology of gender, masked as an impersonal aesthetic ideal with which she has nearly killed herself to merge.
Likewise, Brace-Govan (2002: 418) argues that until females focus on their bodywork instrumentally (in other words, use their bodies as vehicles that enable them to act in the world in an assertive and empowering manner) rather than on its appearance, under the ‘centrality of voyeurism’ they will never ‘transcend the status of being an object’.
Thus far, most academic work has presented female bodybuilder competitions as providing, in a pessimistic Foucauldian manner, an intensification of discipline, regulation and restriction (Mansfield and McGinn 1993; St Martin and Gavey 1996; Lowe 1998; Patton 2001; Bordo 1988; Guthrie and Castelnuovo 1992). From this perspective, competitions are regimes of truth or disciplinary mechanisms bounded and informed by patriarchal views of what an acceptable ‘feminine’
shape should be. These critiques argue that these women have to conform to a
‘feminine imperative’ characterized by the need to ‘perform femininity during contests’ (St. Martin and Gavey 1996: 53). Indeed, there has been much evidence to support this view, such as the directives given in 2005 for muscularity to be
reduced by 20 per cent (refer to Chapters 3 and 4 for more detail on criticism of
competitions). Thus, according to these writings, competitions simply reproduce stereotypical views of what it is to be feminine and police the desires of those who seek to transgress these and make incursions into the field of masculinity.
Whilst critical commentators have focused on the ways in which women are controlled by men in the sport, there has been a tendency to ignore the ways by which female bodybuilders actually ‘resist’ these restrictive powers. For example, despite all the directives from the sport’s authorities, they have failed to stop female bodybuilders (and now even Figure competitors) from going further and evolving in terms of size, hardness and cuts. Similarly, whilst competing women are pressurized to achieve a subjective form of ‘femininity’, it would be wrong to present this as a completely determining pressure: two of the women who reached the British finals in 2008, for example, exhibited facial hair and wore no make-up. Thus, female bodybuilders have continued to develop themselves and their identities despite the limitations placed on them by bodybuild
ing authorities.
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The start of the journey
In seeking to probe the validity of these alternative perspectives on female bodybuilding competitions (the ideas that they can be liminal or that they are simply still informed by conventional gender norms) my account begins 16 weeks before the event itself. This is when the daily lifestyle and mundane training phase are left behind as the female bodybuilder prepares to compete. It is at this point that the real breaking down of any vestiges of the non-female bodybuilder persona occurs (in terms of the separation from any activities and identities not directly associated with their status as a competitive female bodybuilder). In Turner’s (1992) phrasing, it is the deconstruction of past identity in preparation for a new identity.
In my narrative, I follow Michelle’s pilgrimage on a chronological basis, from the beginning of her competition preparation through to that ‘height of recognition’.
Here, echoing notions of the heroic as portrayed by Weber, the journey can be seen as a kind of adventure (Simmel 1971 [1908a]). Simmel suggests that within the adventure, time flows in a different way to normal everyday life. The adventurer seizes the moment, takes risks and has a disregard for ordinary concerns of consequence, yet simultaneously creates an alternative order based upon a system imbued with meaning and logical coherence. Against the backdrop of a modern life which organizes itself ever more around consumer culture and immediate gratification, leaving people fragmented and with a ‘lack of something definite at the centre of the soul’ (Simmel 1990 [1907]: 467), the life of the adventurer might enable an individual to transcend this fate by creating a ‘personality’ and a unique sense of self. These ‘adventurers of the spirit’ thus form their actions around a central and unifying purpose, providing the individual with life-affirming significance and meaning (Simmel 1971 [1908b], 1997 [1912]).
As the female bodybuilder begins to embark on her ‘adventure’ there is a sense of excitement, anticipation and restlessness. As Michelle explains: I just can’t wait to get started now… I feel a bit in limbo at the moment…
I can’t wait until the day… yes, I love getting on stage – it’s the best day of the year.
As the journey commences there is seen a clear separation from those ‘others’ who may train hard but do not go through this sacred process. There is a satisfaction gained from being different and standing out from the rest of them by enduring what only a true bodybuilder can: ‘going through what I go through and knowing other people can’t do that’ (Michelle).
There is often a ritual celebration that marks the start of the pre-competition diet (as well as, infamously, a post-competition ‘blow-out’ or ‘binge’, where competitors have been known to eat excessive quantities: see Bolin 1992; Lowe 1998). Michelle and her close friends and family, who are supportive of her endeavour, meet up at her house for a ‘last supper’ before the competition, which consists of the indulgent and forbidden foods of pizza, chocolate and wine. After this event, Michelle will start to purify herself from the ‘bad’ foods and drink that
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pollute and contaminate her body. Apart from the ‘cheat’ meal which many bodybuilders allow themselves once a week in the first few months of preparing to compete, processed foods and foods containing salt and sugar are now eliminated from the diet. This includes dressings and flavourings, meaning food becomes extremely bland and repetitive.
Bodybuilders may also aid this process of detoxification by using colonic irrigation to rid themselves of impurities (faecal waste and unidentified toxins from the colon and intestinal tract). The cleansing of the body marks a new transitional phase whereby the female bodybuilder begins to depart from her old physical self. At this point, Michelle’s weight is 92 kg, and her calorie intake will drop from 5,000 to 3,000 per day over the next week. The diet plan will become more rigid and will intensify as the weeks go on. The aim is to shed the unwanted fat cells and uncover the muscles, so that they can be displayed in their full glory.
The difficulty lies in burning away the destructive fat whilst at the same time protecting that all-important muscle (female bodybuilders aim to get their body fat percentage to below 9 per cent and sometimes as low as 4 per cent, compared to the ‘ideal’ of 20–5 per cent for women). Protein is therefore an essential ally here, and is eaten at regular intervals throughout the day (in the form of e.g. protein drinks, poultry and fish). Whilst essential fatty acids are encouraged, along with vegetables and a few pieces of fruit, saturated fats are to be avoided and carbohydrates severely reduced. ‘Allowed’ carbohydrates in limited portions include oats, brown rice and sweet potatoes. Michelle’s supplement regime is also dramatically changed and increased in order to burn fat and maintain muscularity. Likewise, to speed up the metabolism and lose fat, cardiovascular training is incorporated into the daily training routine. Besides her routine hour of weight-training, Michelle now adds 30 minutes of ‘fat-burning exercise’ (low-impact exercises that keep her heart rate under 150 bpm, such as cycling, using a cross-trainer and walking uphill on a treadmill) before she goes to work. She goes back to the gym in the evening to do another 30 minutes, as well as fitting in a walk in her lunch break.
All spare time is now dedicated directly to her goal. Fisher (1997: 141) estimates that on average, professional female bodybuilders dedicate six hours per day to their training and competition preparation, including weights and cardiovascular exercises, posing, tanning, food preparation and mental strategies.
On the day of the competition, Michelle will get one opportunity to impress the judges. She will have just one chance to show off her hard-earned muscular body by enacting seven prescribed poses and performing a short (60–90 seconds) choreographed routine to music. Her physique will then be evaluated by a panel of judges on its aesthetics of muscular size, symmetry and condition (e.g. vascularity, low body fat). Practising these poses and the routine is therefore an extremely important component of the ‘pre-comp’ preparation.
It has been suggested by some that there is a tendency for female bodybuilders to take these stage performances more seriously than their male counterparts (Lowe 1998). Furthermore, the muscular presentations themselves have been critiqued for being clearly gendered:
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Females are more likely to perform fluid, balletic movements and poses on stage; they are also more likely to select popular dance tunes or sentimental love songs… some women incorporate seductive poses, glances and lyric in their routines as well… male bodybuilders are more likely to strike muscular poses in a hard, distinct, and fast manner… they are more likely to grimace, growl and at times, even yell during the presentation round. Moreover, their musical selections differ markedly from those of female bodybuilders in that they are more likely to pose to loud and thunderous rock music.
(Lowe 1998: 122–3)
Despite the fact that these displays may be gendered in comparison with hegemonic norms of femininity, the poses conducted by female bodybuilders appear masculine, defiant and strong, and in no way resemble comparative ‘feminine’
body displays such as bikini contests, catwalk modelling, lap dancing and so on.
Michelle is all too aware of the importance of posing in order to present her physique to its full advantage in front of the judges. Indeed, by making just the slightest bodily adjustment to her arm, leg or torso, Michelle knows she can accentuate a strong point or hide a weakness. Every day in the studio she goes through her compulsory poses and rehearses her routine, becoming increasingly frustrated when she does not perform these to her satisfaction. Far from being an easy action, ‘posing’ requires a great deal of mind and body connection. In the same way that a belly-dancer learns to utilize her individual abdominal muscles, so too must Michelle learn body skills and techniques specific to bodybuilding.
The compulsory poses (front double bicep, side chest pose, rear double bicep, rear lateral spread, side tricep, abdominal and thigh pose) are init
ially practised in front of a mirror until they are done ‘correctly’. Once the poses have been refined, they are then rehearsed without a mirror in order to replicate the situation on the competition stage (bodybuilders often have friends/coaches who give them feedback on their posing). The bodybuilder must learn to biomechanically ‘feel’ each pose. As one bodybuilder articulately describes the process:
It can be a sensual experience, being able to focus all your attention on just one movement – onto even just one muscle, and for that moment, just feel that one specific motion with all of your being. It teaches you a lot about how your body works and feels… [it is a] very intimate kind of connection to your own body and how it moves.
Michelle begins by holding each pose for 15 seconds, increasing the time to 30
seconds as the weeks go on (she doesn’t know precisely how long the judges will ask her and the other competitors to hold the pose, so she needs to be prepared for all eventualities). Posing is a surprisingly strenuous activity that requires tension throughout the whole body, not just in the anatomical area that is being scrutinized. As the muscles begin to tire, they begin to shake, making it hard to maintain balance and posture.
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On top of this, female bodybuilders must also demonstrate ‘femininity’ through
‘graceful movements’ of the body. ‘Femininity’ is expressed through the pointing of toes and ‘elegant’ hand and finger gestures (which also highlight perfectly polished nails). Poses are tweaked to create the illusion of small waists, and other body adjust-ments are made, such as one leg being placed in front of the other, to create the appearance of curves. Each pose must flow fluidly into the next one, appear light-footed and be accompanied at all times by a smile. Everyday Michelle runs through these poses so that they become ‘drilled into her’, in preparation for the sacred day of the ritual.
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