Blood on the Moon

by Edward , Jr. Steers

  9. Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered? pp. 11–21. Roscoe, The Web of Conspiracy, pp. 23–25. Mills, It Didn’t Happen the Way You Think, pp. 1–10.

  10. Olszewski, Restoration of Ford’s Theatre, p. 7.

  11. Ibid, pp. 107–22.

  12. This performance was one of three that Booth agreed to appear in after quitting the theater on May 28, 1864. All three were benefit performances for actor friends. One was in New York, and two were in Washington. The Apostate was a benefit for John McCullough.

  13. Rhodehamel and Taper, eds., Right or Wrong, p. 144.

  14. Wiechmann, True History.

  15. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:548.

  16. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 3:33.

  17. Oldroyd, The Assassination of Abraham Lincoln, p. 14.

  18. Olszewski, Restoration of Ford’s Theatre, pp. 54—55, and Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:548–52.

  19. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:175.

  20. Ibid, 2:538–39.

  21. Pitman, Assassination, p. 113.

  22. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:118.

  23. Chaconas, “Unpublished Atzerodt Confession.”

  24. Poore, Conspiracy Trail, 1:241.

  25. Ibid.

  26. Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered? pp. 391–92.

  27. Testimony of John Matthews, Impeachment Investigation, pp. 782–88. Matthews did not testify at the conspiracy trial in 1865.

  28. Rhodehamel and Taper, eds., Right or Wrong, pp. 151–53.

  29. Ibid. See pp. 124–27 and 147–50 for the full text of both letters.

  30. Ibid, p. 153

  31. Horace Porter, Campaigning with Grant (New York: Century, 1907), pp. 498–99.

  32. U.S. Grant, Personal Memoirs, ed., Long, pp. 155–56.

  33. Statement of George A. Atzerodt, April 25, 1865, while on board the Montauk, in Laurie Verge, ed., From War Department Files (Clinton: Surratt Society, 1980), p. 68.

  34. 34. Ibid., p. 69.

  10. Sic Semper Tyrannis

  “Thus always to tyrants.” The motto of Virginia through 1865.

  1. Olszewski, Restoration of Ford’s Theatre, p. 53.

  2. Testimony of Joseph Burroughs, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:230.

  3. Testimony of Peter Taltavull, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:179–80.

  4. Timothy S. Good, We Saw Lincoln Shot (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1995), p. 73.

  5. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:187–89.

  6. Good, We Saw Lincoln Shot, pp. 80–81.

  7. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:194–95.

  8. Frank Ford to Walter J. Olszewski, April 13, 1962, quoted in Olszewski, Restoration of Ford’s Theatre, p. 62.

  11. The Wound Is Mortal

  1. Leale, Lincoln’s Last Hours, p. 2.

  2. Ibid.

  3. Ibid., p. 3.

  4. Ibid.

  5. Ibid.

  6. Ibid, p. 4.

  7. Clara Harris to Mary Washington, April 25, 1865, private collection, xero-graphic copy in the Surratt House and Museum Library, Clinton, Maryland.

  8. Leale, Lincoln’s Last Hours, p. 4.

  9. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 119.

  10. Ibid, pp. 120–21.

  11. Reck, A. Lincoln, pp. 122–23. See also Leale, Lincoln’s Last Hours, p. 7.

  12. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 123.

  13. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:179.

  14. Leale, Lincoln’s Last Hours, p. 7.

  15. Ibid.

  16. Sunday Times-Telegraph (Pittsburgh), February 12, 1928, and New York Tribune, February 8, 1931.

  17. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 126.

  18. Mose Sandford to John Beatty, Esq, April 17, 1865, private collection, xerographic copy in Surratt House and Museum Library, Clinton, Maryland.

  19. George J. Olszewski, “House Where Lincoln Died: Furnishing Study,” April 15, 1967 (Washington, D.C.: National Park Service, U.S. Department of the Interior, 1967).

  20. Eighth Census of the United States, 1860 (District of Columbia), NARA, RG 29, M-653, reel 102.

  21. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 131.

  22. A sinapism is a paste of ground mustard seed. The paste is applied directly on the skin and covered with a cloth. Its action is to stimulate blood circulation through its irritating effect on the skin.

  23. Elizabeth L. Dixon to “My dear Louisa,” reproduced in Surratt Society News 7, no. 3 (March 1982): 3–4.

  24. Ibid, p. 4.

  25. Taking into account all of the statements describing the events that unfolded in the Petersen house, a total of fourteen physicians appeared at Lincoln’s bedside during the night: Drs. Charles A. Leale, Charles S. Taft, C.D. Gatch, Albert F.A. King, Ezra W. Abbott, C.H. Lieberman, J.C. Hall, S.T Ford, J.E May, William B. Notson, Robert King Stone, and Army Surgeon General Joseph K. Barnes, Assistant Surgeon General Charles H. Crane, and Surgeon D. Willard Bliss. See Olszewski, Restoration of Ford’s Theatre.

  26. Benjamin P. Thomas and Harold M. Hyman, Stanton: The Life and Times of Lincoln’s Secretary of War (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1962), p. 396.

  27. Ibid.

  28. Beale, ed., Welles Diary, 2:286.

  29. Patricia Carley Johnson, “I Have Supped Full on Horrors: The Diary of Fanny Seward,” American Heritage, Oct. 1959, pp. 64—101.

  30. Major Thomas T. Eckert, assistant superintendent of the military telegraph.

  31. Thomas and Hyman, Stanton, p. 397. Eckert had been notified at his home on Thirteenth Street by one of his telegraphers, Thomas A Laird, who was at the theater with a second telegrapher, George C. Maynard. David Homer Bates, Lincoln in the Telegraph Office (1907; reprint, Lincoln, Nebraska: University of Nebraska Press, 1995), p. 371.

  32. Beale, ed, Welles Diary, 2:287.

  33. Ibid. Welles fixes the time of his and Stanton’s arrival in his diary at a little past eleven. This is an important notation, for at this hour John Wilkes Booth was certainly across the Navy Yard Bridge and even past Forts Baker and Wagner. These last outposts were in contact with General C.C. Augur’s headquarters by military telegraph, but it was too late to seal off the environs of the city and trap Booth and Herold as so many conspiracy theorists claim.

  34. The succession law of 1792 determined presidential succession at the time of Lincoln’s death. This law specified that should the president and vice president be unable to function, the president of the Senate pro tempore would succeed as acting president followed by the Speaker of the House. There was no provision for the secretary of war in the succession act. Seward, as secretary of state, was charged with the responsibility of calling upon each of the states to choose electors to elect a new president. With Seward dead, it is not clear what process would follow short of the appointment and confirmation of a new secretary of state by the Senate. See Michael Maione and James O. Hall, “Why Seward?” Lincoln Herald 100, no. 1 (spring 1998): 29–34.

  35. Howard K. Beale, ed., The Diary of Edward Bates, 1859–1866, vol. 4 of the Annual Report of the American Historical Association, 1930 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1933), p. 473.

  36. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 142.

  37. Maxwell Whiteman, introduction to While Lincoln Lay Dying (Philadelphia: Union League of Philadelphia, 1968), p. 3.

  38. Ibid, p. 4.

  39. Ibid, p. 5.

  40. Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered? p. 78.

  41. Arthur F. Loux, “The Mystery of the Telegraph Interruption,” Lincoln Herald 81, no. 4 (winter 1979): 234–37.

  42. Charles Hamilton sold the first telegram at auction. A photograph of the telegram appears in the Charles Hamilton Auction Catalogue 22, October 25, 1967. The telegram is now in private hands; a photographic copy is in the author’s files. The telegram to General Grant is discussed in an article by James O. Hall, “The First War Department Telegram about Lincoln’s Assassination,” Surratt Courier 22, no. 1 January 1997): 5–6.

  43. Ibid.

  44. Whitman, While Lincoln Lay Dying, p. 6.

  45. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 141.r />
  46. Ibid.

  47. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:329.

  48. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:328.

  49. The testimony of Silas T. Cobb can be found in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:251–55. The testimony of John Fletcher can be found in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:326–41.

  50. Metropolitan Police Headquarters for the District of Columbia was located at 488 Tenth Street. Ford’s Theatre was located at 511 Tenth Street.

  51. Tidwell, Hall, and Gaddy, Come Retribution, p. 438.

  52. Testimony of John Lee, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:62. See also Michael Henry to James O’Beirne, July 20, 1865, collection of Scott Balthasar, copy in author’s files.

  53. These items were introduced as exhibits at the conspiracy trial. See NARA, M-599, reel 15, frame 0057.

  54. The Kirkwood House register was introduced as exhibit 24 at the conspiracy trial. See NARA, M-599, RG 153, reel 15, frame 0299.

  55. David D. Dana to “Hon. Joseph Holt, Judge Advocate General,” October 3, 1865, NARA, RG 94, M-619, reel 458, frames 0466–0472.

  56. Statement of David D. Dana, AGO Reward File, NARA, RG 94, M-619, reel 458, frames 0466–0472.

  57. Charles Sabin Taft, “Abraham Lincoln’s Last Hours,” Century Magazine (Feb. 1895), p. 35.

  58. Reck, A. Lincoln, p. 157.

  59. Ibid.

  60. Ibid.

  61. Ibid, p. 159.

  62. Frank E. Edgington, A History of the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church (Washington, D.C.: Published by the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church, 1961), p. 252.

  12. Surrattsville

  1. The Eastern Branch is now known as the Anacostia River.

  2. Joan L. Chaconas, “Crossing the Navy Yard Bridge,” Surratt Courier 21, no. 9 (1996): 5–7.

  3. Testimony of Silas T. Cobb, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:2 51–55. Moonrise for the Washington, D.C, area occurred at 10:10 P.M. on the night of April 14 and reached its transit at 3:17 A.M. In addition, the phase of the moon was waning with 89 percent illumination. With a clear sky, Booth and Herald would have considerable moonlight to guide them on their escape. U.S. Naval Observatory, Astronomical Applications Department, “Sun and Moon Data for One Day,” April 14, 1865, Washington, D.C, .

  4. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:252–53.

  5. Fort Baker was in telegraphic communication with General Augur’s headquarters but did not receive notice of the assassination until well after Booth and Herold had passed between the two forts into southern Maryland. See NARA, RG 393, pt. 2, vol. 186.

  6. Statement of David E. Herold, NARA, RG 153, M-599, reel 4, frames 0442–0485.

  7. Testimony of John M. Lloyd, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:116.

  8. Gaddy, “Surratt Tavern,” p. 234.

  9. Hall, Surratt Family.

  10. Wiechmann, True History, p. 433.

  11. Ibid, p. 14.

  12. Testimony of William Norton and John C. Thompson, in Trial of John H. Surratt, 1:510–17.

  13. The unusual name T.B. was taken from the initials of a prominent landowner in the area, Thomas Brooke. It was little more than a crossroad and a tavern.

  14. Testimony of Louis J. Wiechmann, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:85–86.

  15. Testimony of John M. Lloyd, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:122.

  16. Testimony of John Nothey, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:250. Statements of Mary E. Surratt, NARA, M-599, reel 6, frames 0233–0257, 0170–0200.

  17. Testimony of George Calvert, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:222–23.

  18. Wiechmann, True History, p. 164.

  19. Ibid, p. 165.

  20. Testimony of Louis J. Wiechmann, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:86.

  21. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:250.

  22. Testimony of John Lloyd, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:118.

  23. Ibid, p. 122.

  24. Ibid.

  25. Ibid., p. 126.

  26. Ibid., p. 119.

  27. Chaconas, “Unpublished Atzerodt Confession.”

  28. Ibid, p. 138.

  29. Trial of John H. Surratt, 1:288.

  30. Chevalier would eventually license the unique feature, and it would begin appearing on better quality glasses several years later.

  31. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:118.

  32. Ibid.

  33. Ibid.

  34. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:119.

  35. Ibid.

  36. Ibid.

  13.Dr.Mudd

  1. Mudd, Mudd Family, 1:409.

  2. University of Maryland Fiftieth Annular Circular of the School of Medicine, session 1857–1858 (matriculates, 1856) (Baltimore: Sherwood and Co, 1857), p. 14.

  3. Testimony of John F. Hardy, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 3:432.

  4. Testimony of George D. Mudd, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:391.

  5. Ibid.

  6. Statement of Alexander Lovett, NARA, RG 94, M-619, reel 456, frames 0488–0490.

  7. Joshua Lloyd, a detective on O’Beirne’s staff, was unrelated to John Lloyd.

  8. Cottingham heard from detective Joshua Lloyd that Lloyd knew both John Surratt and David Herold, and he thought they might be found in the Surrattsville area.

  9. George Cottingham to James R. O’Beirne, May 1, 1865, NARA, M-619, reel 458, frames 0390–0398.

  10. Testimony of Alexander D. Lovett, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:271. In his report to Major O’Beirne dated April 29, 1865, Lovett mistakenly said that he first visited Mudd’s house on Wednesday, April 19. Lovett’s testimony during the trial along with that of the other detectives and George D. Mudd place the date as Tuesday, April 18, 1865. See Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:258–81. 2:392.

  11. Testimony of George Mudd, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 2:392.

  12. Nettie Mudd, The Life of Dr. Samuel A. Mudd (1906; reprint, LaPlata, Md.: Dick Wildes Printing, 1975), p. 32.

  13. Statement of Samuel A. Mudd, NARA, M-599, reel 5, frames 0212–0225. Hereafter referred to as Mudd Wells statement.

  14. Ibid.

  15. Statement of Samuel A. Mudd, NARA, RG 153, M-599, reel 5, frames 0226–0239. Hereafter referred to as Mudd voluntary statement.

  16. Statement of Alexander D. Lovett, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:268.

  17. Ibid., p. 263.

  18. Ibid., p. 268.

  19. Ibid.

  20. Testimony of John F. Hardy, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 3:432.

  21. Mudd voluntary statement.

  22. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 3:432.

  23. Mudd’s claim of arriving home around 5:00 P.M. is at variance with the testimony of John F. Hardy who stated that Mudd arrived at Hardy’s house “very near sundown ... the sun was not fifteen minutes high that Saturday evening.” Sun-set for the Waldorf, Maryland, area on Saturday, April 15, 1865, was at 6:44 P.M. with twilight ending at 7:12 P.M. See U.S. Naval Observatory, Astronomical Applications Department, “Sun and Moon Data for One Day,” Saturday, April 15, 1865, for Waldorf, Maryland, .

  24. Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 3:436.

  25. Tidwell, Hall, and Gaddy, Come Retribution, p. 446.

  26. Samuel Cox owned thirty-seven slaves. See Eighth Census of the United States, 1860, Slave Schedules (Maryland), NARA, RG 29, M-653, reel 484.

  27. In many later writings Cox is referred to as “Colonel Cox,” a misnomer. He was known by his neighbors as Captain Cox.

  28. Port Tobacco Times, 20 June 1861.

  29. George E. Stevens, letter to “Mr. Editor,” 10 January 1862, reproduced in Donald Yacovone, ed, A Voice of Thunder: A Black Soldier’s Civil War (Urbana, I11.: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1998), 162–65. Stevens, the son of a prominent Black Philadelphia merchant and staunch abolitionist, became the cook and personal servant of Benjamin Tilghman, an officer in the 26th Pennsylvania Infantry attached to the First Brigade, Hooker’s Division, stationed in Charles County in the fall and winter of 1861–1862. Stevens supplied the Weekly Anglo-African newspaper of New Y
ork with highly literate and detailed observations while with the 26th Pennsylvania in Charles County. Stevens would later enlist in the famous 54th Massachusetts at the time of its formation. Stevens’ writing is published by Donald Yacovone in A Voice of Thunder. I am indebted to Jane Singer of Venice, California for bringing the Scroggins incident to my attention. Singer is currently working on a book about Confederate clandestine operations in the North.

  30. No record has been found of whether Cox was charged in any way with the murder of Jack Scroggins. Cox continued to work as a Confederate agent throughout the war and survived the war as one of Charles County’s leading citizens. Maryland law forbade masters from administering more than ten lashes for any one offence, although a master could bring a slave before a Justice of the Peace and receive permission to administer up to thirty-nine lashes in special cases. In no instance could a master whip a slave to death. See Jeffrey R. Brackett, The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution of Slavery (1889; reprint; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Univ. Press, 1969), 115. By the time of the Civil War the homicide of a slave was placed on the same level as the homicide of a white in virtually every Southern state. See Thomas D. Morris, Southern Slavery and the Law, 1619–1860 (Chapel Hill, N.C.: Univ. of North Carolina Press, 1996), 172.

  31. Edward Steers Jr., “Dr. Mudd’s Sense of Timing: The Trip into Bryantown,” Surratt Courier 24, no. 9 (September 1999): 4—8.

  32. Mudd Wells statement.

  33. Mudd, Life of Dr. Samuel A. Mudd, p. 33.

  34. Statement of Colonel Henry H. Wells, NARA, RG 94, M-619, reel 458, frame 0205.

  35. Testimony of Alexander Lovett, in Poore, Conspiracy Trial, 1:260.

  36. Contrary to what some authors have written, the name Booth was not part of the inscription nor was the word “Booth” scratched out. The entire inscription simply read “J. Wilkes.”

  37. Mudd voluntary statement.

  38. Mudd Wells statement.

  39. Eisenschiml, Why Was Lincoln Murdered? p. 267.

  40. Ibid, p. 265.

  41. A detailed analysis of the evidence showing that the photograph introduced at the trial and distributed to the various military groups was a photograph of John Wilkes Booth can be found in Edward Steers Jr., “Otto Eisenschiml, Samuel Mudd, and the ‘Switched’ Photograph,” Lincoln Herald 100, no. 4 (winter 1998): 167–80.