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The Patriot

Page 24

by Nigel Tranter


  There was loud agreement on that, at least - but thereafter a dozen voices were raised in suggestion and counter-suggestion, accusation, denunciation and the like. Argument developed on all hands.

  Montgomery appealed for quiet. "My lords and friends -lower your voices, a God's name! Or all Edinburgh will learn what we are at! We must have order in this or we shall get nowhere. We are only a gathering of like-minded men, a club as it were, with none greater than another. But it seems evident that we require some leadership and direction. A chairman, at least - else we shall get nowhere along that road. I propose to you he whom I would rate senior here, in rank as in age, my goodsire, Lord Annandale."

  William, Earl of Annandale, chief of the great West Borders clan of Johnstone, whose daughter was Montgomery's wife, shook his grey, leonine head. "Not I," he declared. "I am no chairman. Give me a saddle, rather, and a sword, and I am still your man! But not this. I suggest to you Mr. Fletcher, who has both the wits and the words for it."

  "My lord - no. I thank you - but no," Andrew said. "I am not the man you need. As I said, I could be a danger to you all. As your chairman, the more so. And I am not now a commissioner, and so cannot speak in the Convention on your behalf or otherwise. No - it seems to me that Sir James himself is the man for the chair - he who spoke out so well and boldly this afternoon."

  "Agreed," Johnnie Belhaven said.

  That was accepted, and in some order they got down to a worthwhile discussion. General agreement was reached fairly quickly on what was required - a Claim of Right to be drawn up, at least in skeleton form, to be presented by the Convention to William, the Scots crown dependent upon its acceptance, and embodying safeguards for the essential liberties and rights of the Scottish people in religion, government and law. That of course was easily said, but less easily defined and detailed, especially with individuals all emphasising their personal priorities, such as the immediate repeal of the Test Act, an end to illegal taxation, no more arbitrary appointment of magistrates, the restoration of the rights of the royal burghs and the need for the regular calling of parliaments. Andrew had his own strong contribution to make to the list - the disbanding of the standing army, which as well as being a most convenient instrument for tyranny, was an intolerable burden upon the nation's resources and a menace to the ordinary citizenry; to be replaced by locally-raised militia companies, such as already existed in some areas, but these to be authorised only by parliament and mustered and paid only when so ordered.

  Twenty men cannot draw up any satisfactory and workable document of proposals, and in the end it was left to a trio, Montgomery, Pringle of Torwoodlee and Andrew Fletcher, to do the embodying the next day and to have at least the bare bones of a possible Claim of Right and a list of supporting requirements to put before the resumed Convention the day following, with sufficient voices and votes then to be raised to ensure their due consideration, the others present discreetly to canvass their friends and possible sympathisers meantime.

  And so, two days later, when the Duke of Hamilton reconvened the session, he was faced with an entirely new situation, something like the embryo of a party such as Andrew had envisaged and advocated all those years before. It did not, to be sure, command anything like a majority of the Williamite persuasion; but it was able to present a fairly united front and speak with single and decided voice - which tended to be the Ayrshire voice of Sir James Montgomery - but which knew just what it wanted and was prepared to back it all with relevant motions and calls for votes. This, in turn, gave confidence to others hitherto diffident, undecided, but willing to follow a strong lead. Hamilton and the other senior William supporters were not long in getting the message.

  That was not the only message of the day. Presumably there had also been a meeting, or decision-making, on the part of the Jacobite faction, which had resulted in a slightly larger attendance, the Lords Crawford and Cardross rescued from their besieged lodgings and two or three other aged or sick noblemen and bishops persuaded to appear. Surprisingly, Dundee himself was present, in the body of the hall, sitting amongst the lords.

  It was clearly a most delicate situation for all concerned. Any split in the Williamite voting strength and the Jacobites could carry the day. Which in one aspect strengthened the position of the tavern-party and in another weakened it; for though it meant that Hamilton would have to defer to their wishes more heedfully, they dared not go too far lest they lost more than they gained. And with Dundee there to lead the James supporters, they could be sure that any weakness would be exploited.

  When the Duke, therefore, typically abruptly, commenced proceedings by declaring that Sir James Dalrymple would read out the headings of the recommended Claim of Rights which might accompany the offer of the crown to William, there were immediate protests from many quarters. But there was nothing to vote upon yet, and Dalrymple went ahead. As Andrew and the others had feared, it was all too generalised, vague, such as William would have no difficulty in accepting and then more or less ignoring. Lothian proposed it as a motion, and Dundee and Montgomery were on their feet simultaneously condemning it, one as treasonable and the other as inadequate. With 177 present today to vote, 91 were for the rejection against 86 for acceptance.

  Much perturbed and offended, Hamilton went into a brief conference with his close colleagues, however unprecedented for the presiding functionary, amidst Jacobite cheers. Montgomery nodded towards the watching Andrew. They had demonstrated their power - but shown also how two-edged a weapon they could wield.

  Dalrymple at least took warning and evidently persuaded Hamilton, for when that man brought the meeting to order again it was for Dalrymple to propose a fairly innocuous motion that the Convention forthwith send a message to King William, whose affairs they were reminded brooked no delay, thanking him for calling the Convention and informing him that they were considering resolutions to put before His Majesty along with an offer of the Scottish crown. This was seconded by the Lord President's own son, Sir John Dalrymple, another lawyer, who showed promise of being as able as his father if less pliable and more unscrupulous.

  Dundee moved the direct negative and Montgomery jumped up to support the motion.

  The vote went 102 for and 75 against.

  So now the position was clear, however awkward. The Williamites could win handsomely, but only with the tavern-group's support.

  So Montgomery rose again to read out their poposals, to an ever-increasing clamour of opposition from the Jacobites. When Montgomery had finished and promptly moved that they be accepted, his father-in-law Annandale seconding, Dundee as promptly moved rejection.

  This time there was considerable disarray amongst William's faction, but Sir John Dalrymple shouted that this was shameful, as good as pointing a pistol at William's head, and all true men should vote against.

  The vote went 136 against and 41 for the motion.

  It was something like stalemate. Neither main faction could win without Montgomery; but his group could not get their own way without detaching quite a large proportion of the main Williamite vote.

  Andrew, who had brought paper and pen with him, scribbled a note to pass along to Montgomery, advocating the putting forward of single items of their demands, starting with the repeal of the Test Act.

  Lord Melville proposed that they set up a committee of, say, six, to draw up an agreed list of conditions for the Claim of Right, of which the Earl of Annandale and Sir James Montgomery be two members. Obviously the James supporters would not wish to be represented - which left the other four places for the main Williamite faction. This did not suit Montgomery, since they would be out-voted two to one. He said so, and the motion clearly would not be carried. Instead, he proposed the abolition of the Test Act - which would make for fairer representation in the Estates hereafter, as well as having numerous other benefits for free men everywhere.

  The Test Act was, of course, universally unpopular, save to ardent Episcopalians. So this motion appealed to most men there, and it was
carried by a majority of over one hundred.

  Amidst cheers, Montgomery rose to propose the abolition of standing armies, these to be replaced by local militia companies, Belhaven seconding.

  This was a different kettle-of-fish, and Hamilton and his friends would have none of it. They perceived, also, what Montgomery was at, seeking to get the items on his list passed one by one. This, as well as being obnoxious, would be a lengthy procedure. The Duke, therefore, banged on his table, declared the motion invalid, as an attack on the crown's prerogative, the armed forces being raised in the King's name and therefore not to be abolished without the King's authority. He then rose, without further warning, announcing that the Convention stood adjourned for three days, and left the hall.

  Scotland's Parliament Hall thereafter bore some resemblance to a bear-pit.

  * *

  Hamilton's three-days interval proved to be an eventful one for Edinburgh, all on account of a ship putting into Leith haven two days later, one amongst many, for this was the port of Edinburgh. But this ship bore Hugh Mackay of Scourie, William's general, and some of his staff. Frustrated by the necessarily slow progress of marching infantry and ox-drawn cannon, when he had reached Tees he had requisitioned all the shipping available in that estuary, embarked almost all his cavalry, fifteen troops of horse, selected the fastest craft for himself and set sail, leaving his foot to trudge northwards as best they might. So now he was at Leith, less than two miles from the capital, awaiting his cavalry - which inevitably had to use larger, slower ships - but which was expected to arrive in a couple of days. The cavalry totalled, it was reported, some eleven hundred men.

  The news of this reached Edinburgh as fast as a man could ride - and of course, set off as swift reaction, cheering amongst William's supporters, consternation amongst the Jacobites, and doubts and fears amongst the ordinary citizens, who advisedly were suspicious of all solidery.

  Dundee reacted fast. His own army had continued to melt away, unpaid and demoralised, and such as remained in the park of Holyroodhouse were in no state to fight a battle against fresh cavalry. Able to trust only two or three troops of his dragoons, he sought to cut his way up to the castle with them, to join forces with the Duke of Gordon and his garrison. But the narrow and difficult approach to the fortress, climbing up from the Lawnmarket, had been barricaded off, with timbers, broken masonry and miscellaneous rubble, trenches even dug amongst the cobblestones, to assist in keeping the garrison more or less penned in, besieged. For his dragoons to clear a way through would have taken hours and moreover made the dismounted cavalry extremely vulnerable. So instead, Graham led his squadron outside the city-walls northwards, to the Nor' Loch which lay at the foot of the castle-rock, and riding round the rim of this reached a section of the thrusting cliff which it was just possible for an agile man with a head for heights to climb up. And there his dragoons and such of the townsfolk as were in the vicinity, saw the King of Scots' handsome general, Bloody Clavers as he was known to the crowd, or Bonnie Dundee as the Jacobites preferred to call him, thigh-boots, scarlet-and-gold coat, feathered bonnet and all, go clambering up, hands and knees, scaling the huge perpendicular rock like a monkey, zigzagging, hoisting, traversing, up and up until he reached a ledge immediately below the castle-walling itself, up which no man could climb. But there, above him, heads looked down from an open window, watching astonished. And those below could hear Dundee calling for the Duke of Gordon. Presumably the Cock o' the North was there waiting, or nearby, for a shouted conversation took place, not all of which could be heard from the lochside but in which, fairly clearly, Dundee called upon the Duke to fire some shots from his cannon, one or two into the city itself, as intimation of the King's continuing authority, and two or three in the general direction of Leith, as warning to Mackay. Evidently Gordon expressed reluctance to do this, for Graham urged it again, the louder, and added that the castle must hold out for King James at all costs. He himself was for Stirling, where he was calling a new Convention and Parliament in the royal name, for 18th April; and thereafter he would raise the Highland clans, whose chiefs, thank God, were Jacobites to a man and Catholic, to bring down to teach Edinburgh a lesson and drive the William-ites into the sea. Moreover, James himself would be landing a large Irish-French army on the west coast any day. So cannon-fire and no surrender. The Duke's replies were inaudible. Dundee clambered down again, to the huzzahs of the dragoons, and rode back into the city.

  Graphic accounts of this feat swept the town like a forest-fire, Andrew obtaining various versions of it at a meeting of the dissident Williamites in Penston's tavern that evening. So far there was no cannon-fire however.

  Next midday the Convention reassembled in a great hum of excitement, although with a smaller attendance than heretofore owing to fears that the castle guns might well open fire on Parliament Hall as their principal target. Andrew saw that there were three new spectators sitting near himself, all wearing military red coats, and was informed that these were General Mackay, Sir Thomas Livingstone his cavalry commander and an English aide called Major Bunting. There was no sign of Dundee when Hamilton opened the proceedings, which some took as ominous.

  However they had barely started when Graham made an entry and, in dramatic fashion, flinging wide the doors and stamping in, booted and spurred, with actually a dragoon trumpeter to blow a flourish and so gain approximate quiet and adequate attention, drowning out the outraged Hamilton's voice.

  "I come to this unlawful gathering for one purpose and one only - to warn you all!" he announced, into a quivering hush.

  "To warn you of wrath to come, in King James's royal name. I am leaving this city forthwith - but the Duke of Gordon is not! His cannon are trained on this hall. I do not stay another day, thanks to one honest man, one John Binnie, a master-dyer, who overheard a dastardly plot being hatched to murder myself, the Earl of Balcarres and Sir George Mackenzie, the Lord Advocate, this very night. I remove myself from this company of assassins and traitors! I ride to Stirling where I call a true Convention and Parliament, in King James's name, to meet on 18th April - by which time I hope the King may be there to preside in person - and with a large French-Irish army to add to the Highland host I shall muster forthwith. Then we shall march on this wicked city and it will be the day of reckoning indeed! By then every traitor and rebel will be well advised to have left Scotland. That is all that I have to say to you — save to command all loyal subjects of the King of Scots to leave this hall behind me!"

  Signing to the trumpeter to sound again, John Graham marched out.

  In the pandemonium which succeeded, every Jacobite in the Convention rose to follow his lead, this time the Marquis of Atholl going also - and some who were not avowed Jacobites but merely men of discretion.

  After a while, and some consultation with Dalrymple, Tweeddale and Lothian, the Duke of Hamilton hammered loud and long on his table, to restore order and his authority. He declared stiffly, that this Convention of the Estates of Scotland was still in session, that they were well quit of all Popish and contumacious supporters of the tyrant James Stewart, and that their business must go on. He ordered the officers to lock the doors of the hall and to lay the keys on his table, so that none unauthorised might enter - and clearly, no more were to leave. And he called upon Sir James Dalrymple to speak on a new clause which could be incorporated in the proposed Claim of Right, urging King William to support a federal union of the two kingdoms, which would undoubtedly greatly redound to Scotland's benefit.

  The Lord President thereafter did his able best on this theme, emphasising the advantages of increased and mutual commerce with England, equal trading rights in the overseas colonies, the use of English ports, the removal of the risks of war, and much else. Andrew was not convinced - but then he had rather pronounced views on independence, in nations as in men. Dalrymple may have been more successful with others, but he was up against difficult conditions for convincing oratory, the fact being that the commissioners were really in no st
ate to heed and consider theory and long-range policy just then. Their thoughts tended to be elsewhere, notably on the Duke of Gordon's cannon, trained on this building; and what that devil Dundee might be up to now. Indeed, before very long it was Tweeddale himself who interrupted the Lord President, calling on Hamilton to adjourn the session and lead an authoritative party up through the barricades to as near the castle entrance as they could get, there to demand the surrender of his fellow-duke forthwith, with his garrison, under pain of eventual execution, to end this intolerable threat to honest men. The cheers and stamping which greeted this proposal left even Hamilton in no doubt as to the feelings of the assembly; and although he declared that he certainly was not going to go shouting surrender-terms to that fat and deplorable Gordon, he conceded that it might be as well to warn him that General Mackay's forces, when they arrived in full, would be well equipped with cannon with which to batter the castle into submission, and the consequences for himself and his people when that happened. A deputation from this Convention could accordingly proceed, to that end. Since the Lord Tweed-dale seemed so concerned, he could lead it, with say the Earl of Lothian, the Lord Lyon King of Arms and a trumpeter.

  To relieved cheers he added that the session would reconvene three days hence, by which time the situation in the city should be more clear and Mackay's cavalry, it was to be hoped, patrolling the streets. Meeting adjourned.

  Thereafter the would-be legislators certainly found the streets thronged with excited crowds - but this held its own reassurance, for if Dundee's dragoons had been on the rampage the populace would not be so much in evidence. Swiftly the news spread. Bloody Clavers was gone, quite gone, pray God for good! He and his troopers had ridden out of the city, shouting that he was going to follow the spirit and example of his great kinsman, Montrose, by the West Port, on their way to Stirling, admittedly promising to return one day in vengeful might. But meantime the town was free of them, at least, and all the prominent Jacobites were scuttling off too. And no cannon had been fired from the castle. It seemed that the Gordon was not of the same stuff as the Graham.

 

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