The Chimp and the River: How AIDS Emerged from an African Forest
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18. Gottlieb’s barebones text: Gottlieb et al. (1981), 250.
19. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report carried Friedman-Kien’s communication: Friedman-Kien. (1981), 305–306.
19. saw a “syndrome” that seemed “strikingly similar”: Pitchenik et al. (1983), 353–354.
19. who became notorious as “Patient Zero”: Shilts (1987), 23. But see also Auerbach et al. (1984), 489.
19. as the man who “carried the virus out of Africa”: e.g., http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gaëtan_Dugas.
20. even “gorgeous” in some eyes: Shilts (1987), 21, 47.
20. Dugas himself reckoned: Shilts (1987), 83.
20. and say: “I’ve got gay cancer”: Shilts (1987), 165.
20. “Although the cause of AIDS is unknown”: Auerbach et al. (1984), 490.
21. Randy Shilts later transformed: Shilts (1987), 23.
21. HIV had already arrived in North America when: Gilbert et al. (2007), 18566, 18568.
22. A Danish doctor named Grethe Rask: Shilts (1987), 4–7; Bygbjerg (1983), 925.
22. “I’d better go home to die.”: Shilts (1987), 6. Shilts seems to have interviewed Bygbjerg (but not Rask herself), as well as drawing from Bygbjerg (1983).
22. Nine years later, a sample of Rask’s blood serum: Hooper (1999), 95, 879.
23. GRID was one, standing for: Shilts (1987), 121; Engel (2006), 6.
23. Some doctors preferred ACIDS: Shilts (1987), 138.
23. “Kaposi’s sarcoma and opportunistic infections”: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, June 11, 1982, 294.
23. By September 1982, MMWR had switched: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, September 24, 1982, 507.
24. Montagnier’s research focused mainly: Montagnier (2000), 27–30, 38, 47.
25. “AIDS could not be caused by a conventional bacterium”: Montagnier (2000), 42.
25. The only known human retrovirus as of early 1981: Gallo (1991), 91–93, 99.
25. A related retrovirus, feline leukemia virus: Barré-Sinoussi (2003a), 844.
25. Montagnier’s group in Paris, screening cells: Barré-Sinoussi et al. (1983), 868; Montagnier (2000), 57. Barré-Sinoussi and Montagnier didn’t name it LAV in the original 1983 paper, but slightly later.
26. Gallo’s group came up with: Gallo et al. (1983), 865–866; Gallo (1991), 92–93, 99, 117. Gallo uses Arabic numerals (e.g., HTLV-1, HTLV-2) in his book; but in the scientific papers, he and others use Roman numerals.
26. He called this newest bug HTLV-III: Gallo et al. (1984), 500, 502; Popovic et al. (1984), 497.
26. An editorial in the same issue of Science: Marx (1983), 806.
26. Then again, neither was Gallo’s: Gallo and Montagnier (1988), 44; Gallo (1991), 186; Crewdson (2002), 163–166.
26. Montagnier had personally delivered: Montagnier (2000), 60–62, 68–69.
27. Meanwhile the third team of researchers: Crewdson (2002), 143, 158.
27. “more than 4000 individuals in the world”: Levy et al. (1984), 840.
27. “Our data cannot reflect a contamination”: Levy et al. (1984), 842.
28. A distinguished committee of retrovirologists: Crewdson (2002), 179–180, 236.
29. There she saw a weird problem: Essex and Kanki (1988), 67; Letvin et al. (1983), 2718–2719.
29. they did find a new retrovirus: Daniel et al. (1985); Kanki et al. (1985b).
29. for what soon would be renamed HIV: i.e., they referred to the AIDS virus as HTLV-III and called their macaque virus STLV-III.
29. This discovery, they wrote: Daniel et al. (1985) and Kanki et al. (1985b), last paragraph of each.
29. Only a single sentence at the end: Kanki et al. (1985b), 1201.
30. Kanki and Essex looked at other Asian macaques: Essex and Kanki (1988), 67–68.
30. “In 1985, the highest rates”: Essex and Kanki (1988), 68.
30. Kanki grew isolates of live virus: Kanki et al. (1985b), 952–953.
31. “must have evolved mechanisms”: Essex and Kanki (1988), 68.
31. The samples arrived with coded labeling: Essex and Kanki (1988), 69; Kanki et al. (1986), 238.
31. Despite one possible misstep: Kanki et al. (1986), 238; regarding contamination and confusion, cf. Montagnier (2000), 80–81; Hooper (1999), 108; Kestler et al. (1988), 619, and Essex and Kanki’s reply to Kestler, same issue, 621–622; Barin et al. (1985), 1387.
32. It more closely resembled SIV strains: Barin et al. (1985), 1387.
32. Montagnier and his colleagues screened the blood: Montagnier (2000), 79–81; Clavel et al. (1986), 343–344.
32. This man showed symptoms of AIDS: Clavel et al. (1986), 343–344; Montagnier (2000), 79–80.
32. Eventually, when all parties embraced the label: Clavel (1986), 346; Montagnier (2000), 81.
33. Possibly it was already with us: See Fukasawa et al. (1988), 460; Mulder (1988), 396.
33. when a group of Japanese researchers: Fukasawa et al. (1988), 457.
33. The nucleotide sequence of its retrovirus: Fukasawa et al. (1988), 457, 459; Mulder (1988), 396.
34. A commentary in the journal Nature: Mulder (1988), 396.
35. had noticed a leprosy-like infection: Gormus et al. (2004), 216.
35. not known to be transmissible from people: Wolf et al. (1985), 529.
35. The animal in question, a sooty mangabey: Gormus (2004), 216. The story unfolds from Gormus (in retrospect) to Wolf et al. (1985) to Murphey-Corb et al. (1986).
36. revealed that the virus was quite prevalent among them: Murphey-Corb et al. (1986), 437.
36. Other investigators soon found it too: Hirsch et al. (1989), 389, and its citation notes 9–11.
37. Now there were three known variants: Kanki (1986); Daniel et al. (1985). The SIV name came later, however, after they stopped using HTLV and STLV.
37. “These results suggest that SIVsm has infected macaques”: Hirsch et al. (1989), 389.
38. HIV-2 is confined mostly to West African countries: this sentence and the next three, Reeves and Doms (2002), 1254–1255.
39. Peeters along with several associates was tasked: this paragraph, Peeters et al. (1989), 625–626.
40. announcing the new virus and calling it SIVcpz: Peeters et al. (1989), 625, 627. More precisely, they called it SIVcpz-GAB-1, indicating not just the new strain of virus but the identity of the specific isolate.
40. “It has been suggested that human AIDS”: Peeters et al. (1989), 629.
40. In 1992 Peeters published another: Peeters et al. (1992), 448.
41. not a single one had yielded traces of SIVcpz: Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2488.
42. by the year 2000 seven groups of HIV-2: Reeves and Doms (2002), 1253.
43. So did the later addition, group H: Santiago et al. (2005), 12515.
43. The eventual fourth kind, group P: Plantier et al. (2009), 1–2.
43. Scientists think that each of those twelve groups: Reeves and Doms (2002), 1253 regarding HIV-2; Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2487, regarding HIV-1.
44. In September of that year, a young print-shop worker: Zhu and Ho (1995), 503; Hooper (1999), 21–22, 122 ff.
44. Thirty-one years later, in the era of AIDS: Corbitt et al. (1990), cited in Zhu and Ho (1995).
45. must have reflected a laboratory mistake: Zhu and Ho (1995), 503–504.
45. A team of researchers including Tuofu Zhu: Zhu and Ho (1995), 503–504.
45. a small tube of blood plasma, drawn from a Bantu man: Nahmias et al. (1986), 1279.
45. the only one that tested unambiguously positive: Zhu et al. (1998), 594.
46. In their paper, published in February 1998: Zhu et al. (1998).
46. DRC60 was a biopsy specimen: Worobey et al. (2008), 661.
50. with a spillover as early as 1908: Worobey et al. (2008), 661.
51. This one was heterodox and highly controversial: Hooper (2001), 803. Hooper presents somewhat different numbers in Hooper (1999), 265–277, 378–379.
51. v
iral or bacterial contamination of a vaccine: e.g., with SV40 in some of the Salk vaccines, Shah and Nathanson (1976), 3.
51. a group of Italian children: Willrich (2001), 181.
51. Smallpox vaccine administered to kids in Camden: Willrich (2001), 171–176, 192, 201.
51. a batch of diphtheria antitoxin prepared in St. Louis: Willrich (2001), 178.
51. Formaldehyde was sometimes added: Oshinsky (2006), 281.
52. some of the early batches of the Salk polio vaccine: Shah and Nathanson (1976), 2; Shah (2004), 2061.
52. That the vaccine in question had been given to Africans: Koprowski (2001); Plotkin (2001).
52. Koprowski himself visited Stanleyville: Hooper (1999), 267–273, 523–524.
52. Children and adults lined up trustingly: Hooper (1999), 268–269, 273–274.
52. roughly seventy-five thousand kids: Hooper (1999), 275.
53. chimpanzee kidneys drawn from animals infected: Hooper (2001), 803–805, versus Plotkin (2001), 815–816.
53. The result of that flawed vaccinating: Hooper (2001), 803.
53. certain people have argued: e.g., Hooper, Louis Pascal, William Hamilton, Tom Curtis.
53. had put Tom Curtis onto the story: i.e., Blaine Elswood, as mentioned in Curtis (1992), 3 (pagination of digital version).
53. “The origin of the AIDS virus is of no importance”: Curtis (1992), 21.
53. “It’s distracting, it’s nonproductive”: Curtis (1992), 21.
53. lawyers for Hilary Koprowski filed a lawsuit: Hooper (1999), 254, 456.
54. “The controversy surrounding the source of the Nile”: Hooper (1999), 4.
59. he screened just 27 of the 813 tissue blocks: Worobey (2008), 661, 663.
60. They both fell within the range: Worobey (2008), 661–662.
60. differed by 12 percent between the two versions: actually, 11.7 percent: Worobey (2008), 662.
60. he placed the most recent common ancestor: Worobey (2008), 663, Table 1.
60. “Our estimation of divergence times”: Worobey (2008), 663.
62. “the most persuasive evidence yet”: Weiss and Wrangham (1999), 385.
62. their analysis of viral strains linked it: Gao et al. (1999), 436–437.
62. on viruses drawn from captive chimps: the new chimp in Gao’s data was Marilyn, captive in the United States: Gao et al. (1999), 437.
63. Mario L. Santiago topped a list of coauthors: Santiago et al. (2002), 465.
63. he invented methods: Santiago et al. (2002), 465.
65. they collected 446 samples of chimpanzee dung: Keele et al. (2006), 523.
66. prevalence rates up to 35 percent: Keele et al. (2006), 525, map on 523.
66. a twig amid the same little branch: Keele et al. (2006), 524–525, Figures 3 and 4.
67. shockingly similar to HIV-1 group M: Keele et al. (2006), 525.
68. “We show here that the SIVcpzPtt strain”: Keele et al. (2006), 526.
68. “In humans, direct exposure to animal blood”: Hahn et al. (2000), 611.
68. “The likeliest route of chimpanzee-to-human transmission”: Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2492.
70. Léopoldville contained fewer than ten thousand people: Worobey (2008), 663, Figure 3 and its caption, citing Chitnis et al. (2000).
70. “a hard mission field,” according to one Swedish missionary: Martin (2002), 20, 25.
70. due to colonial policies that discouraged married men: Pepin (2011), 70–73. The rest of this paragraph, and the next: Pepin (2011).
71. a lively market in smoked fish: Harms (1981), 229.
71. Ivory, rubber, and slaves were traded there: Harms (1981), 227–229.
72. By 1940, its population had edged up: Chitnis et al. (2000), 6.
74. apes, elephants, lions, and a few other species were protected: Wildlife Justice, No. 2 (May 2006), 8.
74. Drori gave me a LAGA newsletter: Wildlife Justice, No. 4 (November 2006).
74. Drori’s newsletter mentioned a raid: Wildlife Justice, No. 4 (November 2006), 5.
75. Another bust, against a dealer: Wildlife Justice, No. 4 (November 2006), 5; Wildlife Justice, No. 2 (May 2006), 2, 12.
76. a driver unloading chimpanzee arms and legs: Peterson (2003), 46, 159.
76. roughly 5 million metric tons of bushmeat: Peterson (2003), 65.
80. where Karl Amman saw chimpanzee arms stashed: Peterson (2003), 46.
80. Chimp fecal samples from hereabouts: Keele et al. (2006), 525.
84. possibly of the Mpiemu or the Kako: Giles-Vernick (2002), 22.
94. A study of bushmeat traffic in and around Ouesso: this sentence and the rest of the paragraph: Hennessey and Rogers (2008), 179–183.
109. the prevailing impression was that it’s harmless in chimpanzees: e.g., Novembre et al. (1997), 11748, 11752.
109. When a single lab chimpanzee did progress to AIDS: Novembre et al. (1997), 4086.
110. “survived their own AIDS-like pandemic”: Cohen (2002), 15. Cohen was reporting on de Groot et al. (2002).
110. a naturally occurring infection in more than forty different species: Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2487.
110. it hasn’t shown up among wild monkeys in either Asia: Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2487.
110. none of those SIVs seems to cause immunodeficiency: Sharp and Hahn (2010), 2490.
110. a close similarity between their respective SIVs: Sharp et al. (2005), 3893.
111. That length of time would allow divergence: Sharp et al. (2005), 3893.
111. noticed that SIVcpz seems to be a hybrid virus: Bailes et al. (2003), 1713.
111. Possibly just hundreds of years ago: Wertheim and Worobey (2009), 5–6; Pepin (2011), 41, citing Wertheim and Worobey (2009).
112. What the Nottingham group suggested: Bailes (2003), 1713.
124. these all came together in a paper: Keele et al. (2009), 515.
126. a series of well-intended campaigns: Pepin (2011), 117; Pepin and Labbé (2008).
127. 2 million syringes were produced globally in 1930: Drucker et al. (2001), 1989. See also Marx et al. (2001), 914.
127. treated 5,347 trypanosomiasis cases: Pepin (2011), 122, 163.
127. “The Congo contains various health institutions”: Beheyt (1953), quoted in Pepin (2011), 164.
128. “The large number of patients”: Beheyt (1953), quoted in Pepin (2011), 164.
128. performed 207,089 injections of tryparsamide: this sentence and the rest of the paragraph: Pepin (2011), 125–128.
128. doubt that needles were necessary in any such way: Worobey (2008), in Volberding et al. (2008), 18.
129. It dates back more than a decade: Marx et al. (2001), 911.
129. Jacques Pepin picked up where Preston Marx left off: Pepin and Frost (2011), 421–422.
130. a clinic known as the Dispensaire Antivénérien: Pepin (2011), 160.
130. “consisted of thousands of asymptomatic free women”: Pepin (2011), 161.
130. Any free woman or male migrant: this sentence and the rest of the paragraph, Pepin (2011), 160–163.
132. The HIV-1 group M lineage became split: Taylor et al. (2008), 1591; Worobey (2008), in Volberding (2008), 15.
132. Subtype A got to East Africa: Pepin (2011), 212–213.
132. Subtype D established itself alongside subtypes A and C: Taylor et al. (2008), 1595, Table 2; Hemelaar et al. (2006), W17, Table 2, and W18, Table 3.
133. subtype B crossed from Léopoldville to Haiti: Gilbert et al. (2007), 18566, 18568, Figure 2.
133. new support for one plausible old scenario: The recognition of Haitian professionals having gone to Congo after Independence dates back at least to Shilts (1987), 392–393. This paragraph and the next: Pepin (2011), 187–190.
134. Someone brought back to Haiti: Gilbert et al. (2007), 18566.
134. those samples revealed that 7.8 percent of the women: Boulos et al. (1990), 7222–7223, and cited in Pepin (2011), 196.
134. “there must have been a very effecti
ve amplification mechanism”: Pepin (2011), 196.
135. hundreds of paid plasma donors in Mexico: Pepin (2011), 199.
135. a quarter million luckless donors in China: Pepin (2011), 200.
135. reports of a plasmapheresis center in Port-au-Prince: Pepin (2011), 201–202; Severo (1972). Pepin cites Severo, but I used Severo directly. Pepin hyphenates the name, Hemo-Caribbean, but Severo doesn’t and there’s still such a company, listed online as Hemo Caribbean.
136. ordered that Gorinstein’s plasmapheresis center be closed: Pepin (2011), 202.
136. Nor did the CDC’s Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report mention it: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, July 9, 1982, 31(26): 354.
136. Randy Shilts didn’t mention it: though he came close, discussing Haitians and blood, e.g., Shilts (1987), 135.
137. beginning in 1980 he noticed: Pitchenik et al. (1983), 277, 278, table.
137. He had sounded the first alarm about Haitians: Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, July 9, 1982, 31(26): 354ff.
138. Tom Gilbert managed to amplify: Gilbert et al. (2007), 18569.
139. walked into the office of Dr. Michael Gottlieb: Gottlieb et al. (1981), 250.
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