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Rogue Tory

Page 90

by Denis Smith


  46 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, nd, February 1957, ibid., 1595-98

  47 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, February 22, 1957, ibid., 1599-602

  48 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, March 29, 1957, ibid., 1604

  49 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, April 14, 1957, ibid., 1613

  50 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, April 11, 1957, ibid., 1610-11

  51 Spencer, Trumpets, 27-30

  52 Globe and Mail, April 25, 1957

  53 Ibid., April 26, 1957

  54 Graham, Frost, 331-33

  55 M.W. Menzies to JGD, April 19, 1957, JGDP, IV/22/*391.8, 14817-20. Finlayson was Bracken’s and Bennett’s former private secretary.

  56 “Major Campaign: Speech No. 1 …” JGDP, XXI/17/589. The impact of those words, repeated endlessly in the 1957 campaign, is reflected in phrases that still echoed after thirty years in the political rhetoric of Brian Mulroney and Preston Manning.

  57 Ibid.

  58 This campaign included Newfoundland, which Diefenbaker visited during the week before the Massey Hall meeting. In summary, his itinerary was as follows: April 15-17: Newfoundland; April 18-24: Prince Albert; April 25-26: Ontario; April 27: Quebec; April 28-May 4: PEI, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick; May 5-7: Quebec; May 8-13: Ontario; May 14-16: Manitoba; May 17: Saskatchewan; May 18: Alberta; May 19-24: British Columbia; May 25-26: Alberta; May 27: Saskatchewan; May 28-29: Ontario; May 30-31: Quebec; June 1: New Brunswick; June 2-4: Nova Scotia; June 5-7: Ontario; June 8: Saskatchewan. “Itinerary-John Diefenbaker – 1957”; “Itinerary … May 25th … June 7th,” JGDP, IV/4/*304-1957, 2732-38, 2799-801, 2822

  59 Diefenbaker wrote to Elmer that “the travelling accommodations are very good. We have an exceptionally fine private railway car complete with porter and cook.” JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, April 29, 1957, JGDP, V/3, 614

  60 Diefenbaker told Elmer at the end of April that the Gallup Poll showed an increase in Conservative support in Ontario in the previous month of 6 percent, and gave the party more potential votes than the Liberal Party for the first time since 1935. JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, April 29, 1957, ibid., 1614

  61 “Spread Too Thin,” Globe and Mail, May 14, 1957

  62 “Canadian National Election, June 10, 1957,” Despatch: Embassy, Ottawa, 980, May 16, 1957, USNA, State/3210/742.00/1-757

  63 Diefenbaker told his mother that he had visited his father’s old school in Greenwood. “They had the pay book there and also the reference to the hiring.”JGD to Mary Diefenbaker, May 28, 1957, JGDP, V/1, 585; Globe and Mail, May 14, May 28, May 29, 1957

  64 Dempson, Assignment, 92

  65 Meisel, Election 1957, 151

  66 Ibid., 156-57

  67 Winnipeg Free Press, April 30, 1957, quoted in Meisel, Election 1957, 157

  68 Nicholson, Vision, 50-52; Meisel, Election 1957, 94, 185; OC 2, 33

  69 Meisel, Election 1957, 160-62, 179, 186, 188. St Laurent’s letter was sent on National Liberal Federation letterhead to service members on lists available to all parties.

  70 Quoted in Levine, Scrum Wars, 209

  71 Dempson, Assignment, 94; Colin Wright interview with Peter Dempson, December 16, 1970. The reporters’ estimates also appear in Dempson. He used the figure of ninety-seven in the interview; in his book, he records Diefenbaker’s guess as “between ninety-five and one hundred and five seats.”

  72 Churchill commented on the affair, and reproduced his second memorandum, in “Recollections and Comments on Election Strategy,” Queen’s Quarterly, winter 1970, 499-511. The Robinson articles appeared in the Toronto Telegram in September 1954. See also Meisel, Election 1957, 166-68.

  73 Churchill, “Recollections,” 502

  74 Ibid., 503

  75 Meisel, Election 1957, 172-73

  76 Globe and Mail, May 31, 1957; “Donald Fleming Itinerary,” JGDP, IV/4/*304-1957, 2765

  77 The fullest, though self-centred, account is in Sévigny, This Game. William Hamilton reported to Diefenbaker that Léon Balcer had agreed that Hamilton should take responsibility for seven predominantly English-speaking ridings on Montreal Island, where “six good candidates have been nominated.” Hamilton recognized that the attitude of Quebec delegates to the leadership convention “represents a genuine resistance to your leadership,” but he estimated that Diefenbaker would draw suporters to the party in about ten seats, most of them on Montreal Island. He also urged that Balcer “should continue as provincial leader in Quebec despite his ill-considered observation at the convention.” Diefenbaker expressed his gratitude for Hamilton’s advice. The “Comité des Bleus” was formed before the leadership convention of 1956 by Paul Lafontaine (a former Conservative organizer from the Bennett period) and others, including Norman Genser, René Duranleau, Alphonse Patenaude, Wilfred Dufresne, MP, Harry and Josie Quart, Marcel Faribault, and Pierre Sévigny. It was strongly opposed to the influence in the Quebec party of the Union Nationale and Léon Balcer. William Hamilton to JGD, December 27, 1956, January 17, 1957; JGD to William Hamilton, January 16, 1957, JGDP, IV/19/391.5; “Du: Comité des Bleus pour Diefenbaker”; Paul E. Lafontaine to JGD, February 7, 1957; Norman N. Genser to JGD, June 17, 1957, ibid., XII/94/E/104.1

  78 “A Crucial Election,” Globe and Mail, June 8, 1957

  79 “Today’s Big Opportunity,” ibid., June 10, 1957

  80 The papers he sampled were the Globe and Mail, the Montreal Gazette, and the Ottawa Journal. Beck, “Election of 1957,” quoted in Meisel, Election 1957, 237

  81 Meisel, Election 1957, 190

  82 Telegram, Ottawa to secretary of state, 623, June 5, 1957, USNA, State/3210/742.00/1-3155

  83 George Hogan, “Election Predictions,” nd, JGDP, IV/4/304-1957

  84 Goodman, Life, 85

  85 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, June 4, 1957, JGDP, V/3, 1628-31

  86 JGD to Elmer Diefenbaker, June 2, 1957, ibid., 1622-27. A.V. Svoboda was a member of the National Campaign Committee from Saskatoon. By the end of the campaign, Elmer had received at least $2000 in cash for his campaign work, paid by W.R. Brunt and Alastair Grosart from funds raised by Brunt. Brunt reported raising $7200 from national contributors, which was applied to the Prince Albert campaign. W.R. Brunt to E.C. Gerry, March 4, 1957; W.R. Brunt to Arthur Pearson, April 2 and April 15, 1957; W.R. Brunt to JGD, June 9, 1957, ibid., XII/96/F/31, XII/108/F/155

  87 Spencer, Trumpets, 36-37; OC 2, 33; Prince Albert Herald, June 10, 1957

  88 Nicholson, Vision, 52

  89 Spencer, Trumpets, 37-39; Nicholson, Vision, 52-55; Dempson, Assignment, 94-95; OC 2, 33-34

  90 Globe and Mail Magazine, June 29, 1957; Nicholson, Vision, 52-53

  91 The manuscript speech can be found in the Diefenbaker Papers, headed “Very important -keep” and undated. Diefenbaker wrote in his memoirs: “It was suggested that, whatever the outcome, I should be prepared to go on national television and radio, and that it would be wise to prepare a couple of speeches, one in the event that we won, and one in the event that we lost. I said, ‘One. We’re not going to lose.’ ” JGDP, IV/4/304-1957; OC 2, 33

  92 Ibid.

  93 Spencer, Trumpets, 39-40

  94 Ibid, 40

  95 Globe and Mail, June 12, 1957

  96 OC 2, 34

  97 Dempson, Assignment, 95. The other two reporters on the trip were Clark Davey of the Globe and Mail and Mark Harrison of the Toronto Star. Duff Roblin later remembered that Diefenbaker caught the largest fish on the second day, but he spoke of lake trout rather than pickerel. Patrick Nicholson, who was not present, wrote that Diefenbaker had “landed the paltry catch of two jackfish, one about two pounds and the other a throw-back.” Duff Roblin to JGD, June 11, 1965, JGDP, XII/87/D/176; Nicholson, Vision, 55

  98 Quoted in Levine, Scrum Wars, 209

  Chapter 8 Rt Hon. John George Diefenbaker

  1 Quoted in Levine, Scrum Wars, 209-10

  2 Nicholson, Vision, 55; Newman, Renegade, 97; OC 2, 36

  3 Cabinet Conclusions (CC), 18, June 13, 1957. The agriculture minister, James Gardiner, and one other m
inister advocated this view. Nicholson, Vision, 55-56; Pickersgill, Seeing Canada Whole, 476; OC 2, 36

  4 CC, 32-57, June 13, 1957

  5 Ibid.

  6 Nicholson, Vision, 55

  7 Ibid., 56

  8 Telegram, Elmer Diefenbaker to JGD, June 17, 1957, JGDP, V/3, 1634. Diefenbaker’s friend Eugene Forsey would have exploded at Elmer’s suggestion that Olive was “the first lady of the nation,” an Americanism that ignored Canada’s separation of head of state from head of government.

  9 Gordon Churchill, memorandum “For Professor Neville,” July 23, 1970

  10 Nicholson, Vision, 56-57; Fleming, Near 1, 341-43; OC 2, 37-49; interview with Davie Fulton, September 24, 1993

  11 Interview with Davie Fulton, September 23, 1993. Diefenbaker later invited Stanley Knowles, the CCF’s expert on parliamentary procedure, to take the speakership; but he, too, refused the offer. Diefenbaker’s third choice was Roland Michener, who accepted the invitation just before the opening of parliament in October. See Debates, October 15, 1957, 31.

  12 OC 2, 42; Fleming, Near 1, 342-44; Gordon Churchill, memorandum “For Professor Neville,” July 23, 1970; Goodman, Life, 86-87. The reference to “certain people” is by Churchill.

  13 OC 2, 37-49; Fleming, Near 1, 344-45; Goodman, Life, 86; Ministry list (untitled, nd); R.B. Bryce, “Memorandum for Mr. Diefenbaker: Re: Ministerial portfolios,” June 19, 1957; “Appointments,” June 21, 1957, JGDP, XII/2/A/20, XII/96/F/33, XII/l/A/18

  14 George Drew to JGD, June 21, 1957, JGDP, XII/7/A/225

  15 Fleming, Near 1, 345

  16 The prime minister reported to cabinet on his return that he had enquired in London about British practice and had been assured that St Laurent’s account was correct. He thus suggested it should apply in Canada. The rationale was that new administrations should not have access to the potentially embarrassing secrets of previous ones. The practice seemed to be a mutually beneficial rule of prudence. CC, 34-57, June 21, 1957; 42-57, July 6, 1957

  17 Cabinet document 115/57, June 21, 1957; press release, June 22, 1957, JGDP, XII/l/A/18

  18 CC, 35-57, June 22, 1957. The rule for lawyers was that their names should be removed from partnerships, although they might still be separately identified as counsels to their firms.

  19 CC, 35-57, June 22, 1957. These two paragraphs are blanked out of the public record of cabinet decisions on national security grounds. The Diefenbaker Papers contain the texts of the departmental recommendations to cabinet, background papers, and the interim agreement as it had previously been approved by the Liberal cabinet in February. It is reasonable to assume that cabinet extended the agreement as recommended, pending the completion of a “permanent arrangement.” RBB, “Memorandum for Mr. Diefenbaker,” June 21, 1957, accompanying “Memorandum for the Minister,” June 20, 1957, Department of External Affairs; “Memorandum for Cabinet: Canada-United States Agreement on Overflights,” June 19, 1957, Minister of National Defence; and appendices, JGDP, XII/1/A/18

  20 CC, 35-57, June 22, 1957

  21 CC, 37-57, June 25, 1957. Howard Green took the chair as acting prime minister during Diefenbaker’s absence in London.

  22 Fleming, Near 1, 346

  23 Livingston T. Merchant to Julian L. Nugent, June 18, 1957, USNA, State/3210/ 742.00/6-1857

  24 CC, 35-57, June 22, 1957

  25 Robinson, Diefenbaker’s World, x

  26 Diefenbaker’s suspicion may have been exaggerated, but there was something in it that was widely recognized. The American ambassador, for example, commented on the expected change of government in the abbreviated prose of a cable to Washington on June 11: “Senior civil servants with 22 years under Liberal administration have close familiarity with Liberal policies and developed almost automatic reflex to individual Ministers and Cabinet planning and prejudices. On basis their experience and feeling for Liberal policies they were frequently able and willing on their own initiative to express government thinking and to take decisions or implement routine projects in both domestic and foreign field without prior reference to Cabinet. This situation suddenly changed by election. Senior civil servants are now ignorant of future government’s thinking.” Telegram, Ottawa to secretary of state, 640, June 11, 1957, USNA, State/3210/742.00/6-1157

  27 JGDI, December 10, 1969

  28 Ibid.

  29 Newman, Renegade, 100; JGDI, December 10, 1969; John G. Diefenbaker, “I Am a Canadian,” RCA Victor Recording CC-1027, nd. The only sources for Churchill’s words were the recollections of Olive and John Diefenbaker.

  30 JGDI, December 10, 1969

  31 Ibid.

  32 Confidential information

  33 Later, Diefenbaker suggested that he had mentioned the desirability for Canada of a shift of 15 percent of Canada’s trade with the United States to the United Kingdom, but in the conference he apparently made no reference to this figure, either as example or target. JGDI, December 10, 1969; CC, 42-57, July 6, 1957: Toronto Telegram, June 28, 1957; Toronto Star, June 29, 1957

  34 The Times, July 8, 1957

  35 Ottawa Journal, July 8, 1957; see also Nicholson, Vision, 59-60. The Globe and Mail’s headline on the same day was almost identical. The Privy Council Office later prepared a “Reference file on Statements and Comments concerning the ’15% Diversion’ as referred to by the Prime Minister in his return from the July 1957 Commonwealth Prime Ministers’ Conference.” April 22, 1960, JGDP, XII/100/F/76

  36 Winnipeg Tribune, July 9, 1957; Lethbridge Herald, July 11, 1957. It is not evident that Diefenbaker was aware of Duncan’s statement. However, the Tribune editor, Carlyle Allison, was a political friend who might have mentioned it in conversation with the party leader. Two days after Diefenbaker’s comment, Duncan, who was then chairman of Ontario Hydro, wrote to Diefenbaker to urge him on. Duncan noted that he had created the Dollar-Sterling Trade Board in 1949, made up of prominent Canadian businessmen, with the same object of encouraging more purchases from the sterling area and fewer from the United States. He told Diefenbaker that he had two proposals to stimulate inter-Commonwealth trade. When Diefenbaker responded with interest, Duncan wrote again to suggest that a major trade delegation should be sent to England “headed by a senior Minister,” and that government departments and companies should be directed to switch purchases to the United Kingdom and sterling area. Duncan’s chief concern was that British industry had neglected its trading opportunities in Canada and that it had to be pushed and jollied into seeking out orders and meeting them on time. John Bassett added his support for the trade delegation, and the proposal resulted in a mission headed by Gordon Churchill in November 1957 that included Duncan among its members. Diefenbaker was grateful for Duncan’s advice and assistance, but he was advised not to seek Duncan’s support in the 1958 election campaign because of his anti-labour reputation as a “high hat” at Massey-Harris and Ontario Hydro. James S. Duncan to JGD, July 8 and August 27, 1957; John Bassett to JGD, September 25, 1957; Kingsley Graham to JGD, February 11, 1958, JGDP, VI/229/313.312, 188479-80; VI/475/721.2, 368779-83, 368760-62; VI/475/721.1 Churchill, 368600

  37 Ottawa Journal, July 23, 1957

  38 CC (UK), 54 (57), 1, July 9, 1957

  39 Ibid., 56 (57), 7, July 23, 1957

  40 Ibid., 62 (57), 2, August 27, 1957

  41 Ibid.

  42 Ibid.

  43 CC, 61-57, 6, August 30, 1957

  44 CC, 67-57, September 20, 1957

  45 Fleming, Near 1, 382-84. In his memoirs, Diefenbaker suggests that the deputy minister of trade and commerce, Mitchell Sharp, was overheard discussing the British proposal on a TCA flight to Toronto shortly afterwards, that this was reported back to the prime minister, that Robert Bryce talked to Sharp at Diefenbaker’s direction, and that Sharp “immediately resigned” from the civil service as a result. But Diefenbaker dates the incident in April 1958, when Sharp actually did leave his position. By that time, the British proposal had been public knowledge for six months and no indiscretion seems likely. In t
he cabinet minutes for the previous October 3, however, Diefenbaker is reported as referring to a “leak” of the proposal “some weeks before,” which may refer to his claim about Sharp. But if this was the reason for Sharp’s resignation, the six-month time lapse needs explanation. In his memoirs, Sharp says that his decision to resign was his own and that it was taken because he believed neither Churchill nor Diefenbaker would trust him. The direct evidence of this distrust, he suggests, was disagreement over three policy issues (not including the British offer) and advice from a Conservative minister about the prime minister’s attitude to him. Sharp does not mention any indiscretion involving the British offer. In correspondence with the author, Sharp says that “I was not asked to resign at any time by anyone. I took the initiative when I received an offer of employment from Brazilian Traction, Light and Power Company … I did talk to a friend about the proposal by the British government of a free trade agreement with Canada which I didn’t consider as a secret. I am not certain now whether Bryce spoke to me about the matter, but if he did, I didn’t tell him I was considering resignation, which took place many months later, after the 1958 general election.” OC 2, 52-53; Sharp, Which Reminds Me, 68-77; Sharp to author, February 14, 1995

  46 Gordon Churchill had told a British cabinet minister that he and Sidney Smith, the new secretary of state for external affairs, opposed Canadian rejection of the offer. CC (UK), 69 (57), 4, September 19, 1957

  47 Lloyd, Canada in World Affairs, 66-70; Fleming, Near 1, 388-89; Montreal Gazette, September 30, 1957; Toronto Star, September 30, 1957

  48 Harold Macmillan to JGD, August 29, 1957, JGDP, XII/8/A/282.1

  49 Macmillan’s offer to recommend Diefenbaker’s appointment came on September 4. Diefenbaker accepted at once, and his office showed eagerness to make use of the title as quickly as the UK order-in-council could be issued - if possible by his sixty-second birthday on September 18. The appointment was not quite managed by that day, but the prime minister nevertheless wrote to his mother that “there are no more honors to acquire for me since the Queen made me an Imperial Privy Councillor yesterday.” Diefenbaker had previously been supplied by External Affairs with a memorandum setting out how quickly previous prime ministers had been named to the UK Privy Council. Prime minister of the United Kingdom to the prime minister of Canada, September 3, 1957, September 12, 1957; JGD to James Thomson, acting high commissioner for the United Kingdom, September 12, 1957; James Thomson to JGD, September 14, 1957; telegram, secretary of state for commonwealth relations to high commissioner for the United Kingdom, Ottawa, No. 1553, September 19, 1957; JGD to Mary F. Diefenbaker, September 17, 1957; memorandum, “Appointment of Canadians to the Privy Council of the United Kingdom and Designation of the Members of the Privy Council of Canada,” July 25, 1957, JGDP, XII/8/A/282.1; V/1, 614-17; VI/337/380/U57.5

 

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