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31. Friedrich Meinecke, Machiavallism: The Doctrine of Reason of State and Its Place in Modern History, trans. Douglas Scott (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1957).
32. Christine Buci-Glucksman, Gramsci and the State (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1980).
33. Robert Fatton, Predatory Rule: State and Civil Society in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1992), 2.
34. The insurrections overthrowing long-standing regimes in Egypt and Libya in 2011 may reduce their capacity for relative autonomy.
35. Peter B. Evans, “The State as Problem and Solution: Predation, Embedded Autonomy, and Structural Change,” in The Politics of Economic Adjustment, ed. Stephen Haggard and Robert Kaufman (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1992), 139–81. See also Alice H. Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialization (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), and Robert Wade, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1990).
36. Thomas M. Callaghy and John Ravenill, “How Hemmed In: Lessons and Prospects of Africa’s Responses to Decline, in Hemmed In: Responses to Africa’s Economic Decline, ed. Thomas M. Callaghy and John Ravenhill (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), 548.
37. Claude Ake, Democracy and Development in Africa (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 1996), 41.
38. Clement Henry Moore and Robert Springborg call them “bunker” and “bully praetorian” (Globalization and the Politics of Development in the Middle East, 2nd ed. [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010]).
39. Jürgen Habermas, Legitimation Crisis (Boston: Beacon Press, 1973), 49.
40. The most thorough account of pervasive corruption in Africa is the monograph on Nigeria by Daniel Jordan Smith, A Culture of Corruption: Everyday Corruption and Popular Discontent in Nigeria (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2007).
41. Levi, Of Rule and Revenue, 1–2.
42. See the various essays in Gabriel A. Almond, Marvin Chodorow, and Roy Harvey Pearce, eds., Progress and Its Discontents (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), especially Nanerl Keohane, “The Enlightenment Idea of Progress Revisited,” 21–40, and Crawford Young, “Ideas of Progress in the Third World,” 83–105.
43. Lord Hailey, An African Survey (London: Oxford University Press, 1957), 203.
44. E. A. Brett provides a compelling exegesis of development theory and a robust defense of its necessity; see Reconstructing Development Theory: Institutional Reform and Social Emancipation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009).
45. Mann, The Sources of Social Power, 23–24.
46. Bertrand Badie and Pierre Birnbaum, Sociologie de l’état (Paris: Bernard Grasset, 1979), 27–37.
47. Roger King, The State in Modern Society: New Directions in Political Sociology (Chatham, NJ: Chatham House, 1986), 60.
48. Giddens, A Contemporary Critique, 32–68.
49. Timothy Mitchell, “The Limits of the State: Beyond Statist Approaches and Their Critics,” American Political Science Review 85.1 (1991): 95.
50. A landmark volume in the resurrection of civil society as a concept in African politics is John W. Harbeson, Donald Rothchild, and Naomi Chazan, eds., Civil Society and the State in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994).
51. I wrestle with the definitional conundrums in “In Search of Civil Society,” in Civil Society and the State, 33–50.
52. Young, The African Colonial State, 25.
53. Ernst Frankel, The Dual State: A Contribution to the Theory of Dictatorship (New York: Oxford University Press, 1942), 107; Jens Meierhenrich, The Legacies of Law: Long-Run Consequences of Legal Development in South Africa, 1652–2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
54. A key work in embedding dependency theory in state reason was Walter Rodney, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Washington, DC: Howard University Press, 1972); also important were the numerous works by Dakar-based Egyptian political economist Samir Amin, such as Le développement inégal (Paris: Minuit, 1973). Long after dependency theory lost its theoretical allure for most, it continued to have resonance among in some African leadership circles; see Nicolas van de Walle, African Economies and the Politics of Permanent Crisis, 1979–1999 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
55. I use the term “liberal market” interchangeably with “neoliberal.” The term “neo-liberalism” has the disadvantage of its frequent use with intended negative connotations. Also, the full neoliberal model is particularly associated with Anglo-American post1970s capitalism; though European states moved in this direction, their social market orientation was more pronounced. Through the agency of international financial institutions, the Anglo-American version tended to shape the normative state promoted by the donor community.
56. The East Asian developmental state has received influential admiring treatment from Wade, Governing the Market, and Amsden, Asia’s Next Giant.
57. Henry and Springborg, Globalization and the Politics of Development, 122–24.
58. Buci-Glucksman, Gramsci and the State, 90–91.
59. Christian Coulon, Le marabout et le prince: Islam et pouvoir au Sénégal (Paris: Pedone, 1981), 289–90.
60. Jean Copans, Le marabout et l’arachide: La confrèrie mouride et les paysans du Sénégal (Paris: Sycamore, 1980), 248.
61. Jean-François Bayart, L’état au Cameroun (Paris: Presses de la Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques, 1979), 52, 222.
62. Dean E. McHenry, Limited Choices: The Political Struggle for Socialism in Tanzania (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1994), 62.
63. For details, see Crawford Young and Thomas Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985).
64. Bruce Fetter, “L’union Minière du Haut-Katanga, 1920–1940: La naissance d’une sous-culture totalitaire,” Cahiers du CEDAF 6 (1973): 38.
65. Engulu Baanga Mpongo, speech to the Makanda Kabobi Institute for party ideological instruction, N’sele, 1974, cited in Crawford Young, “Zaire: The Shattered Illusion of the Integral State,” Journal of Modern African Studies 32.3 (1994): 261.
66. Cited in Young and Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, 169.
67. Manwana Mungonga, Le générale Mobutu Sese Seko parle du Nationalisme Zairois Authentique (Kinshasa: Editions Okapi, n.d. [1972?]), 85–86.
68. Young and Turner, The Rise and Decline of the Zairian State, 368–69.
69. Young, “Zaire,” 247–64.
70. Tahar Belkhodja, Les trois décennies Bourguiba (Tunis: Arcantères Publisud, 1999), 75–84.
71. John Waterbury, The Egypt of Nasser and Sadat: The Political Economy of Two Regimes (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983), 322. On the Nasser version of the integral state, see also Raymond William Baker, Sadat and After: Struggles for Egypt’s Political Soul (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), Patrick O’Brien, The Revolution in Egypt’s Economic System (London: Oxford University Press, 1966), and Robert Marbro, The Egyptian Economy, 1952–1972 (Oxford, UK: Clarendon, 1974).
72. John Waterbury, Exposed to Innumerable Delusions: Public Enterprise and State Power in Egypt, India, Mexico, and Turkey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
73. I am indebted to Eritrean specialist Sara Dorman for the insight linking the integral state concept to postliberation Eritrea. For an anguished account of the integral drift of the Eritrean state by a pair of Eritrean scholars, see Kidane Mengisteab and Okbazghi Yohannes, Anatomy of an African Tragedy: Political, Economic and Foreign Policy Crisis in Post-Independence Eritrea (Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 2005). On the massive conscription of youth for public works and military service, see Gaim Kibreab, “Forced Labour in Eritrea,” Journal of Modern African Studies 47.1 (2009): 41–72.
74. There are numerous transliterations of the Arabic name of Muammar Qadhafy. I arbitrarily choose one of the many on offer. Qadhafy felt obligated to repeat the charade in 200
9, when the dissolution of a regrown state was again announced, with all oil wealth purportedly to go directly to the people (“Libya: Power to the People,” Africa Research Bulletin, Political, Social and Cultural Series, 46.2 [2009]: 17858–59).
75. See especially Dirk Vandewalle, ed., Qadhafy’s Libya, 1969–1994 (New York: St. Martin’s, 1995, and Lillian Craig Harris, Libya: Qadhafy’s Revolution and the Modern State (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1986).
76. Abderrahman Dadi, Tchad: L’état retrouvé (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1987); Sam C. Noloshungu, Limits of Anarchy: Intervention and State Formation in Chad (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996).
77. The integral state vision is also found in the utopian Japanese imperial project in Manchuria in the 1930s; see Louise Young, Japan’s Total Empire: Manchuria and the Culture of Wartime Imperialism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998).
78. Dawit Giorgis provides a compelling personal portrait of the pervasive hold of Marxism-Leninism on Ethiopian students by the 1970s; see Red Tears: War, Famine and Revolution in Ethiopia (Trenton, NJ: Red Sea Press, 1989).
79. Marina Ottaway and David Ottaway, Afrocommunism (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1986); Edmond J. Keller and Donald Rothchild, eds., Afro-Marxist Regimes (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1987); Arnold Hughes, ed., Marxism’s Retreat from Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1992); John Markakis and Michael Waller, Military Marxist Regimes in Africa (London: Frank Cass, 1986); Crawford Young, Ideology and Development in Africa (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1982), 22–96.
80. World Bank, Accelerated Development in Sub-Saharan Africa: A New Agenda for Action (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1981).
81. See van de Walle’s masterful volume on African economic reform, African Economies.
82. The term “Washington Consensus” is said to have first been used by economist John Williamson in 1990; see Todd J. Moss, African Development: Making Sense of the Issues and Actors (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2007), 108, for Williamson’s roster of elements.
83. Crawford Young, Neal P. Sherman, and Tim H. Rose, Cooperatives and Development: Agricultural Politics in Ghana and Uganda (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1981), 173.
84. Moss, African Development, 102.
85. Henry and Springborg, Globalization and the Politics of Development, 120; Jeune Afrique, special issue 26, December 2010, 107.
86. See the competing 1989 documents, World Bank, Sub-Saharan Africa: From Crisis to Sustainable Growth (Washington, DC: World Bank, 1989), and UNECA, African Alternative Framework to Structural Adjustment Programmes for Socio-Economic Recovery and Transformation (Addis Ababa: ECA, 1989). See also the excellent analysis by John Ravenhill in “A Second Decade of Adjustment: Greater Complexity, Greater Uncertainty,” in Hemmed In, 18–53.
87. World Bank, From Crisis to Sustainable Growth, 61.
88. Henry and Springborg, Globalization and the Politics of Development, 11.
89. M. Anne Pitcher, Party Politics and Economic Reform in Africa’s Democracies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). Her study offers a masterful comparative summary of the institutional challenges of liberalization.
90. Roger Tangri, The Politics of Patronage in Africa: Privatization and Private Enterprise (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1999).
91. Henry and Springborg, Globalization and the Politics of Development, 73.
92. James S. Coleman and Carl G. Rosberg, introduction, Political Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa, ed. James S. Coleman and Carl G. Rosberg (Berkeley: University of California Press), 8. See also Aristide Zolberg, Creating Political Order: The Party-States of West Africa (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1966).
93. In his insightful reflections on postcolonial politics, Goran Hyden stresses the enduring significance of the movement heritage of the first generation of mass parties; see African Politics in Comparative Perspective (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006).
94. Zolberg, Creating Political Order, 160.
95. An influential early use of “neopatrimonialism” as concept can be found in Samuel N. Eisenstadt’s Traditional Patrimonialism and Modern Neopatrimonialism (London: Sage, 1972). Also influential in reviving the Weberian concept was Guenter Roth, “Personal Rule, Patrimonialism and Empire-Building in the New States,” World Politics 20.2 (1968): 194–206.
96. Michael Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, Democratic Experiments in Africa: Regime Transitions in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 62. See also Christopher Clapham, Third World Politics: An Introduction (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1985.
97. Jean-François Bayart, The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly (Harlow, UK: Longman, 1993), 218–29.
98. Jean-François Médard, “The Underdeveloped State in Tropical Africa: Political Clientelism or Neo-Patrimonialism?,” in Private Patronage and Public Power: Political Clientelism in the Modern State, ed. Christopher Clapham (New York: St. Martin’s, 1982), 180.
99. van de Walle, African Economies, 54.
100. Phares M. Mutibwa, The Bank of Uganda, 1966–2006: A Historical Perspective(Kampala: Bank of Uganda, 2006). Though this is an official history, and so it may elide some less creditable episodes, its detail is nonetheless convincing in portraying an institution mostly true to its formal mission, even during the Idi Amin era.
101. David Leonard, African Successes: Four Public Managers from Kenyan Rural Development (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).
102. I well recollect from my years as Lubumbashi faculty dean a number of occasions when Congolese colleagues resisted at some personal risk pressures from ranking politicians to help out a relative. Most made great effort to assure that the university functioned according to academic norms. In Uganda, Makerere continued to operate as a university even during the moral disorder of the Amin era.
103. Jennifer A. Widner, Building the Rule of Law: Francis Nyalali and the Road to Judicial Independence in Tanzania (New York: Norton, 2001). Lynn S. Khadiagala notes that women farmers in western Uganda found in the courts an avenue for enforcing their property rights in the face of unsupportive customary norms and male hostility; see “Law, Power, and Justice: The Adjudication of Women’s Property Rights in Uganda” (PhD diss., University of Wisconsin–Madison, 1999).
104. Peter VonDoepp, Judicial Politics in New Democracies: Cases from Southern Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009); Tamir Mustafa, The Struggle for Constitutional Power: Law, Politics, and Economic Development in Egypt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
105. Michael G. Schatzberg, The Dialectics of Oppression in Zaire (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988), 49.
106. On the continuing importance of elections prior to the 1990 political opening, see Fred M. Hayward, ed., Elections in Independent Africa (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1987).
107. Michael G. Schatzberg, Political Legitimacy in Middle Africa: Father, Family, Food (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), 24–30.
108. Aili Mari Tripp, Museveni’s Uganda: The Paradoxes of Power in a Hybrid Regime (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2010).
109. Staffen I. Lindberg, Democracy and Elections in Africa (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006), 2.
110. Joel D. Barkan, “African Legislatures and the ‘Third Wave’ of Democratization,” in Legislative Power in Emerging African Democracies, ed. Joel D. Barkan (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009), 2.
111. Frederick Cooper, Africa Since 1940: The Past of the Present (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 5, 156–57.
112. Jackson, Quasi-States.
113. Jeffrey Herbst, States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000).
114. The original thesis is found in Goran Hyden, Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980). Hyden reaffirms and elaborates his case in African Politics in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge Univers
ity Press, 2006).
115. Joel S. Migdal, Atul Kohli, and Vivienne Shue, State Power and Social Forces: Domination and Transformation in the Third World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 2–3. See also Joel S. Migdal, Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1988).
116. Catherine Boone, Political Topographies of the African State: Territorial Authority and Institutional Choice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
117. Richard Sandbrook, The Politics of Africa’s Economic Stagnation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 29.
118. John Iliffe, The Emergence of African Capitalism (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1983).
119. Pierre Englebert, State Legitimacy and Development in Africa (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2000). Robert Jackman also joins in, linking legitimacy to state capacity in his broad comparative study Power without Force: The Political Capacity of Nation-States (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1993).
120. Achille Mbembe, On the Postcolony (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), 76.
121. See the various cases examined in the ambitious collective work by a number of African and other political economists, Benno J. Ndulu, Stephen A. O’Connell, Robert H. Bates, Paul Collier, and Chukwuma C. Soludo, eds., The Political Economy of Economic Growth in Africa, 1960–2000, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).
122. Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument (Oxford, UK: James Curry, 1999).
123. William Reno, “Mafiya Troubles, Warlord Crises,” in Beyond State Crisis? Postcolonial Africa and Post-Soviet Eurasia in Comparative Perspective, ed. Mark R. Beissinger and Crawford Young (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2002), 105–27; William Reno, Corruption and State Politics in Sierra Leone (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995).