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Kennedy and Reagan

Page 45

by Scott Farris


  284and the tax cuts made that inequality worse: Matusow, The Unraveling of America, pp. 52–53.

  284a ‘burden on our grandchildren.’ ”: Heller, “Kennedy’s Supply-Side Economics,” p. 15.

  284Reagan proved deficits don’t matter: Susskind, The Price of Loyalty, p. 334.

  285recouped about a third of the static revenue loss: Bartlett: The Benefit and The Burden, p. 45.

  285force government to contract,” wrote Jeff Madrick, author of The Age of Greed: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 168.

  285and those reserved to the states or to the people: Morris, Dutch, p. 411.

  285by simply reducing their allowance: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 11.

  285on the individual who can improve his own lot: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 11.

  286Ford won 60 percent of the senior citizen vote: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 328–29.

  287the story was buried on page twenty-three: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 158.

  28772 percent thought taxes were too high: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 157.

  287Americans “felt like dressing up again”: Troy, Morning in America, p. 56.

  288the blue-collar and the white-collar workers: Troy, Morning in America, p. 43.

  288bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes: Watson, Andrew Jackson vs. Henry Clay, p. 82.

  288with some possessions to lose,” as historian Gil Troy noted: Troy, Morning in America, p. 43.

  288Carter had badly misjudged the national mood: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 153.

  289it was time for a new approach: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 22.

  289know when to fight and when not to fight: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 57.

  289a federation of caucuses . . . than a united party: Troy, Morning in America, p. 108.

  289during the years of Lyndon Johnson,” he said: Troy, Morning in America, p. 74.

  289(fn)level of support rose to 99 percent: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 78n.

  290crash landing on the budget” with no balanced budget in sight: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 81.

  290from the size of the debt Reagan had inherited from Carter: Reeves, President Reagan, pp. 18–20.

  290then Tip O’Neill was right all along,” Reagan said: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 81.

  290You spend what you need: Morris, Dutch, p. 450.

  290the balanced budget will have to give way: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 92.

  290real intent was to provide benefits to the rich: Morris, Dutch, p. 452.

  291personal bankruptcies and farm foreclosures: Wills, Reagan’s America, pp. 368–69.

  291once eligibility requirements were tightened: Troy, Morning in America, p. 107.

  291represents the rich rather than the average American: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 132.

  291raising the money for the purchases from private donors: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 90.

  291and sits on your doorstep asking for more: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 119.

  291and credibility with the public: Troy, Morning in America, pp. 110–11.

  292the largest single tax increase in history: Troy, Morning in America, p. 108.

  292into policy details when the issue interested him: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 148.

  293which would otherwise have been inflationary: Madrick, The Age of Greed, p. 161.

  294by 2012 it had topped $16 trillion: Madrick, The Age of Greed, pp. 169–71.

  Chapter 19: Religion and the Culture Wars

  295secular American culture that emerged during the 1960s: Wills, The Kennedy Imprisonment, p. 61.

  295the deepest bias in the history of the American people: Roberts, The New Democracies, p. 35n.

  296to prejudice against his Catholic faith: For a comprehensive analysis of the role of religion in the 1928 presidential election, see Allan J. Lichtman, Prejudice and the Old Politics: The Presidential Election of 1928 (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2000).

  297Irish Catholic politicians for the postwar American consensus: Smith, The Look of Catholics, p. 87.

  297a Catholic on the ticket spelled defeat: Sorensen, Kennedy, p. 83.

  297could attract the support of Protestant voters: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 251.

  298if a Protestant votes for me then he is a bigot: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, pp. 52–53.

  298Peale, the author of The Power of Positive Thinking: Nixon, Six Crises, pp. 419–21.

  298Saint Paul “appealing but Peale is appalling”: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, p. 144.

  299risk becoming an atheist doomed to damnation: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 59.

  299the church does not speak for me: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 284.

  299he’s such a poor Catholic: Wills, The Kennedy Imprisonment, p. 61.

  300Hubert Humphrey mirrored Kennedy’s totals: Rorabaugh, The Real Making of the President, pp. 181–82.

  301drop its opposition to birth control: Sorensen, The Kennedy Legacy, p. 29.

  301much lower, less than 20 percent: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 145.

  301following the Engel decision: Urofsky, The Warren Court, p. 144.

  301Negroes in the schools and now they’ve driven God out: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 148.

  302shocked and frightened by the opinion: Fenwick, Should the Children Pray?, pp. 130–34.

  302The Communists are enjoying this day: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 145.

  302when we can no longer appeal to God for help: Urofsky, The Warren Court, p. 144.

  302we are done as a nation: Carter, The Politics of Rage, p. 298.

  302can’t talk to Him in the classroom anymore: Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan, p. 176.

  302prayer more important in the lives of our children: Baldwin, Hon. Politician, p. 160.

  302politics of his time,” said journalist Theodore White: White, The Making of the President 1964, p. 29.

  302liberalism” that lacked “political vitality”: Gillon, Politics and Vision, p. 143.

  302pragmatic to the point of amorality: Reeves, A Question of Character, p. 415.

  303to ways and means of reaching common goals: Paper, The Promise and the Performance, p. 76.

  303than in any previous presidential election, according to White: White, The Making of the President 1964, p. 80.

  303breakdown of morals in our young people: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, pp. 221, 229.

  303criticized by leading liberals, including Eleanor Roosevelt: Reichley, Religion in American Public Life, p. 143.

  304left to private discretion than public policy: http://archives.nd.edu/research/texts/cuomo.htm.

  304or ‘conservative,’ ” said religious historian Ferenc Szasz: Szasz, The Divided Mind of Protestant America, p. xi.

  305“influenced by Scott and Ernest and the lost generation”: Taranto, Presidential Leadership, p. 172.

  306his usually coy substitute for the Holy Name: Morris, Dutch, p. 427.

  307events, including “the end times”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 75.

  307I believe Armageddon is near: Brinkley, The Reagan Diaries, p. 25.

  307positive feeling, that something would happen: Reagan and Hubler, Where’s the Rest of Me?, p. 71.

  307if you walk uprightly before Me: Kengor, God and Ronald Reagan, pp. 135–36.

  307will try to serve him in every way I can: Brinkley, The Reagan Diaries, p. 12.

  307find his way back into the fold: Morris, Dutch, p. 429.

  308band played “Onward Christian Soldiers”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 141.

  308not a high priority of those close to him: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 729.
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br />   308“middle of the road” on the abortion issue: Cannon, President Reagan, pp. 729–30.

  309kick Falwell right in the ass: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 315.

  309one of Ronald Reagan’s chief political legacies: Wilentz, The Age of Reagan, p. 187.

  309a tolerant attitude toward sex generally: Wilentz, The Age of Reagan, p. 282.

  309built around a basic do unto others philosophy: Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 103.

  310was pushing the nation toward ruin: www.commentarymagazine.com/article/a-guide-to-reagan-country-the-political-culture-of-southern-california.

  311reward success, not burden it with high taxes: Wills, Reagan’s America, p. 198.

  311Kerry lost the Catholic vote 52 to 46 percent: Sullivan, The Party Faithful, p. 221.

  311a “faith gap” in American politics: Troy, Morning in America, p. 155.

  312who represent more than they enlighten: Wills, Under God, p. 35.

  312to live with change while not accepting it: Wills, Under God, pp. 35–36.

  Chapter 20: Civil Rights

  313a gift” from New York Times columnist Arthur Krock: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 62.

  313“the Great Emancipator of the twentieth century”: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 464.

  313and his policies to be “racist”: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 139.

  315do more to help African Americans: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 36.

  315“irreversible commitment” to integration: Neustadt, Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents, p. 170.

  316self-correction over government compulsion: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 16–17.

  316realize the importance of the ballot: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 16.

  316of African Americans was at an end: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 133.

  317qualified people a “fair chance”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 580.

  317“Izya new neighbor”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 492.

  317the whitest man I’ve ever met: Noonan, When Character Was King, p. 23.

  317know it had a racial problem: Morris, Dutch, pp. 89–90.

  318unpleasant brush with the rawness of life: Reagan, My Father at 100, p. 182.

  318other members to do the same: Morris, Dutch, p. 209.

  319but on a way and an ideal: Morris, Dutch, p. 228.

  319what your son Kazuo did—Thanks: Maga, “Ronald Reagan and Redress for Japanese-American Internment, 1983–88.”

  320Reagan was in his “anecdotage”: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 120.

  320he apologized—for walking out: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 142.

  321a more just and equitable society: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 488.

  321any special concern for civil rights: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 25.

  321of the problem, Mr. Kennedy: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 506.

  321one of the things of the time: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 17.

  321I promise to do better: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 24–25.

  321to never let it happen again: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 40.

  322instead of basic human principles: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 215.

  322been added to the voting rolls: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 217.

  322this goddamn civil rights mess: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p 291.

  322on the bench in 1960 were black: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 292.

  322to provide leadership on civil rights: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 269.

  322missing” when it came to civil rights: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 382.

  323done more than I’ve done: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 132.

  323pushed so that it occurred quickly: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 382.

  323that “wait means never”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 134.

  323in the middle of a revolution at home: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 332.

  323off those buses? Stop them: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 125.

  324others will follow,” she replied: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 126.

  325for preaching nonviolence was over: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 1–2.

  325Kennedy confirmed to his brother: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 3.

  325images made him “sick”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 488.

  325a mild response seemed “pitiful”: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 491.

  326Congress would then change the law: Reeves, President Kennedy, pp. 504–5.

  326his wife and three small children: Reeves, President Kennedy, pp. 522–23.

  327banned in the district that day: Bryant, The Bystander, pp. 5–7.

  327performance than the power of his message: Bryant, The Bystander, p. 10.

  327and to write it in the books of law: Caro, Passage of Power, p. 430.

  328were left dead and 580 injured: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 213.

  328neighborhoods of the rest of the country: Dallek, An Unfinished Life, p. 268.

  328like another if he doesn’t want to: Goldberg, Barry Goldwater, p. 230.

  328moving too fast on racial equality: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 59.

  328‘Molotov cocktails’ in an urban slum: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 52.

  329similar effort during his presidency: Cannon, Governor Reagan, p. 263.

  329considered “reverse discrimination: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 143–44.

  329advocated a redistribution of income: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 182–83.

  329represented a second Great Depression: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 175.

  330said they considered Reagan “racist”: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 139.

  330be a token at his own event: Troy, Morning in America, p. 97.

  330he only opposed “quotas”: Troy, Morning in America, p. 97.

  331destruction of many kids as a result: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 191.

  331observance of his birthday in 1987: Cannon, President Reagan, pp. 461–62.

  331AIDS research, education, and treatment: Troy, Morning in America, p. 202.

  331another one million for food stamps: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 192.

  33110 percent of the country’s college students: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, pp. 116–19.

  332by 1989, according to U.S. Census Data: www.nytimes.com/1992/07/24/us/white-black-disparity-in-income-narrowed-in-80-s-census-shows.html?pagewanted=all&src=pm.

  332put it, had not come to pass: Troy, Morning in America, p. 98.

  332not mind having a black boss: Troy, Morning in America, p. 185.

  332income grow by just 7 percent: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 193.

  332where someone can always get rich: Edsall and Edsall, Chain Reaction, p. 195.

  332rather than average Americans: Reeves, President Reagan, p. 132.

  Chapter 21: A Different World

  336they don’t come up with any: Schlesinger, A Thousand Days, p. 739.

  336are irrelevant to the solutions: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 321.

  336lost,” said his cabinet secretary Craig Fuller: Cannon, President Reagan, p. 153.

  336his standing with moderate voters: Troy, Morning in America, pp. 158–59.

  337How did we let this happen: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 63.

  339where charm became power: Reeves, President Kennedy, p. 22.

  340listen as much as they lead: Buchanan, “Between Venus and Mars,” pp. 64–74, 130.

  342appropriating it for the present: Peterson, Lincoln in American Memory, p. 35.

  342ideas and conceptions remain powerful: www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/conte
nt/article/2011/02/04/AR2011020403051.html.

  BIBLIOGRAPHY

  Adler, Bill, ed. The Kennedy Wit. New York: Bantam Books, 1964.

  ———. More Kennedy Wit. New York: Bantam Books, 1965.

  Alexander, David. “To salute or not to salute, that’s Obama’s question,” Reuters, December 24, 2008. blogs.reuters.com/talesfromthetrail/2008/12/24/to-salute-or-not-to-salute-thats-obamas-question/.

  Alford, Mimi. Once Upon a Secret: My Affair with President John F. Kennedy and Its Aftermath. New York: Random House, 2012.

  Anderson, Martin, and Annelise Anderson. Reagan’s Secret War: The Untold Story of His Fight to Save the World from Nuclear Disaster. New York: Three Rivers Press, 2009.

  Andrew, John A. III. The Other Side of the Sixties: Young Americans for Freedom and the Rise of Conservative Politics. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1997.

  ———. Power to Destroy: The Political Uses of the IRS from Kennedy to Nixon. Chicago: Ivan R. Dee, 2002.

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  Baldwin, Louis. Hon. Politician: Mike Mansfield of Montana. Missoula, Mont: Mountain Press Publishing Co., 1979.

  Barber, James David. The Presidential Character: Predicting Performance in the White House. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1992.

  Bartlett, Bruce. The Benefit and the Burden: Tax Reform—Why We Need It and What It Will Take. New York: Simon and Schuster, 2012.

  Barringer, Felicity. “White-Black Disparity in Income Narrowed in 80’s, Census Shows.” New York Times, July 24, 1992.

  Beauchamp, Cari. Joseph P. Kennedy Presents: His Hollywood Years. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2009.

  Bendix, Reinhard. Max Weber: An Intellectual Portrait. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Books, 1962.

  Blumenthal, Sidney, and Thomas Byrne Edsall, eds. The Reagan Legacy. New York: Pantheon Books, 1988.

  Boller, Paul F. Jr. Presidential Anecdotes. New York: Oxford University Press, 1981.

 

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