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Prelude to Glory, Vol. 9

Page 41

by Ron Carter


  Eli remained near the large fire in the center of the camp until midnight, when the last of the lamps in camp went dark, and then he walked to the tent of General Van Rensselaer to wait silently nearby for more than half an hour before he walked to his own campsite a short distance into the woods. The lamp inside the general’s tent was still burning. Eli pulled his blanket to his chin and listened to the sounds of the forest for a time until he drifted into a restless, troubled sleep.

  He was at the tent flap of the general twenty minutes before reveille. The lamp inside was burning, casting grotesque shadows on the yellow tent walls. Eli rapped on the post supporting the front end of the ridge pole.

  There was surprise in the general’s voice. “Who’s there?”

  “Eli Stroud.”

  There was a pause, then, “Come in.”

  Eli stepped through the flap and was instantly aware the general had not slept. On his small desk were his inkwell and quill, and a scatter of papers with scrawled notes and markings. On one corner was a document, folded, with the general’s seal pressed into the wax.

  “Yes?” the general said. His face was unreadable.

  “I thought you might want me to cross the river and find out what became of our men yesterday.”

  Van Rensselaer’s answer was curt. “They’re obviously dead or prisoners of war.”

  “Maybe something can be worked out with the British.”

  “Excellent idea,” Van Rensselaer sneered. “Go tell the British I’ll exchange those cowards out there for the prisoners they took yesterday.”

  Eli drew a huge breath and said quietly, “I understand. I do not blame you. I’ll be leaving soon. Is there anything I can do to help? Shall I stop at the fort and tell them what happened here?”

  Van Rensselaer took control of his outrage. “Yes. Tell them the truth.” He took the sealed document from his desk. “I was going to ask you to deliver this to President Madison.”

  Eli tucked the letter inside his shirt. “I will.”

  The general looked him in the face. “Do you have any idea what it is?”

  Eli shook his head. “That’s between you and the president. It will remain sealed.”

  Van Rensselaer waited for a moment, considering. “It is my request that I be relieved of my duties. Immediately. I refuse to go one day longer than necessary with those . . . traitorous cowards.”

  “I will make my written report for President Madison,” Eli said. “I’ll tell him what happened here. All of it. I’ll deliver it with your report.”

  A brief look of gratitude crossed the general’s face, and he said, “Do you want an escort? Anything I can give you?”

  Eli shook his head. “No. I’ll manage.”

  “Good luck to you. Tell the president. Tell him what you saw. What you know.”

  Without a word Eli walked out of the tent into the blackness of the night. Minutes later the camp drum sounded reveille. It echoed in the dark woods, sounding too loud, as though it did not belong, and lamps began to glow inside tents as the troops came to life. Eli did not wait. He was half a mile north, working through the woods, before the troops shuffled into line for their morning mess.

  The morning sun was an hour high when Eli stopped at Fort Niagara to report the Queenston Heights disaster to the shocked lieutenant colonel in command. Half an hour later he was on Lake Erie in his canoe, gliding on glassy water into the brilliant autumn sun.

  Notes

  With the national election set in November 1812, President James Madison realized he needed a strong victory in the ongoing war to maintain himself and his Republican party in office. The plan to gain the strong victory included conquering Canada by taking Fort George on the west side of the Niagara River where it empties into Lake Erie. Directly across the river was American Fort Niagara. Six miles south of Fort George was Queenston Heights; across the river was the American settlement Lewiston. The American officers selected to conduct the attack were General Stephen Van Rensselaer, his kinsman Lieutenant Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer, General Alexander Smyth, and General Henry Dearborn. The army Congress sent north to accomplish it consisted of a large number of New York militia, mixed with some United States Army regulars.

  The entire operation was to be under command of General Henry Dearborn, but he misunderstood his orders and failed to perform. Dearborn did make an unauthorized armistice with the British on August 5, 1812, which was discovered and quickly repudiated by President Madison on August 15 and rescinded by Dearborn on August 25, 1812, at which time Dearborn was ordered to get on with the plan. When Dearborn failed to do so, Van Rensselaer exercised his own initiative and formulated a plan to have Smyth and his regulars attack Fort George while Van Rensselaer and his kinsman went south to attack Queenston Heights. Smyth and his regulars refused to follow any orders issued by a state militia officer. The result was a conflicted, fragmented army as described herein.

  Knowing he had numerical superiority over the British, General Stephen Van Rensselaer decided to attack Queenston Heights alone, then proceed north to attack Fort George. The day of the planned attack on Queenston Heights the oars necessary to row the longboats across the Niagara River went missing. It has never been determined who stole them. The Americans postponed the attack for two days, got more oars, and two days later, October 13, 1812, made their assault on Queenston Heights with Lieutenant Colonel Solomon Van Rensselaer leading the attack. He suffered six wounds but survived. Captain John E. Wool took command.

  The first two hundred Americans to cross the river were pinned down by British musket fire from the sheer cliffs of Queenston Heights, two hundred forty feet above the river. The invaders found a fisherman’s trail leading up the cliffs and climbed up to successfully drive the British back. Among the British dead was General Isaac Brock, hero of the battle of Fort Detroit the previous month of August and one of England’s best officers. Other Americans followed across the river and joined those on top of the bluffs, totaling about nine hundred fifty, among them Lieutenant Colonel Winfield Scott, who took command. The Americans expected a British counterattack, and Stephen Van Rensselaer ordered the New York militia to cross the river to reinforce the Americans over there waiting. The militia refused, claiming they were not authorized to leave New York to fight on foreign soil. Van Rensselaer did everything in his power to try to force them to cross to save the men on the west side of the river, but did not succeed. The British did counterattack, and the entire force of nine hundred fifty Americans at Queenston Heights was either killed or taken prisoner. General Stephen Van Rensselaer submitted his written request to be relieved of command.

  See Hickey, The War of 1812, pp. 86–87; Stagg, Mr. Madison’s War, pp. 244–49; Wills, James Madison, pp. 103–05.

  Eli Stroud is a fictional character.

  The reader is advised that many of the major characters who were involved in this entire action against Canada are not included in this chapter simply because the numbers would make the chapter impossibly long and complex. Further, there were a number of minor skirmishes and battles that are likewise omitted for the same reason. Only those events that were of major importance in the War of 1812 are described herein.

  Washington, D.C.

  February 7, 1813

  CHAPTER XIX

  * * *

  The President will see you now.”

  John Armstrong, the newly appointed secretary of war, stood quickly and strode into the library of President James Madison, leather satchel under his arm. Aging, balding, strongly built, strong face, large, penetrating eyes, nose tending to be slightly bulbous, he walked with the certainty of a man with unwavering confidence in himself, his views, his place in the affairs of the United States government, his ultimate ambition to become president, and the fact that his long-standing and well-known differences with Secretary of State James Monroe had been vindicated by his recent appointment to the office of secretary of war. Since his arrival in Washington, D.C., three days earlier, in a whirlwin
d of energy he had charmed, coerced, and cajoled the control of army patronage from Congress, made much of his reorganization plan for the entire War Department, and seized direction of the war away from James Monroe. After all, he was the “Old Soldier” who had written the book Hints to Young Generals from an Old Soldier, which, right or wrong, had catapulted him into the position of a leading authority on the business of war. No matter the “Old Soldier” had gained his experience thirty-five years earlier in the war for independence. No matter that the office of secretary of war had been first offered to both William H. Crawford and Henry Dearborn, but each had refused. Armstrong’s sense of politics assured him that success in the office would give him footing to seek the presidency, and he was resolved that simple success was not acceptable. His success was going to be spectacular.

  James Madison rose from his chair and walked around the great desk, smiling, congenial, hand extended.

  “Secretary Armstrong! Thank you for coming. I’m aware of the . . . vigor you’ve demonstrated since your arrival here, what, three days ago?” Armstrong reached to shake the president’s hand. “Yes, sir.”

  Madison sobered and wasted no time. “I take it you are prepared for tomorrow’s cabinet meeting?”

  “I am.” Armstrong’s eyes were glowing.

  “Good. Take a seat. May I give you a brief synopsis of where we are politically?”

  Madison did not wait for a response. As both men took seats, Madison began, and Armstrong could see the quiet, controlled fear in the eyes of the small man.

  “The war campaign for 1812 did not go well. You know we lost Fort Detroit and the battle at Queenston Heights and Fort George. In November, Dearborn tried to redeem the entire Canadian effort by attempting to take Fort Erie. He failed and ordered Smyth to attack. Smyth printed and distributed several bombastic warnings to the British of the calamities he would bring down on them if they did not surrender, which the British saw as comical at best. Smyth made two token attempts to take Fort Erie, failed both times, and simply disbanded his army and returned home.”

  Madison stopped long enough to see Armstrong nod understanding, then went on.

  “As a result, our Republican party paid the price. In the last election we lost seats in both the House and Senate. We still have a majority, but we lost twelve percent in the House and four percent in the Senate. And we lost our majority in three states—Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Maryland. Add those three to Rhode Island, Connecticut, and Delaware that were Federalist to begin with, and we now hold a bare majority of states.”

  Again Madison paused, watching Armstrong, then went on.

  “You’re aware that in the recent election in New York, our Republican senator John Smith lost to Federalist Rufus King. You are also aware that on April twenty-seventh—just seventy-nine days from now—New York will return to the polls to elect a governor. If the same forces that got Rufus King elected are able to get a Federalist elected governor, we will have lost one more very important state. That could become a disaster. Do you understand?”

  Armstrong was clear, firm. “I do, sir.”

  Madison sat back for a moment, gathering his thoughts. When he spoke he was making small gestures with his hands. “To give some vital support to our Republicans in New York we very badly need to show some strength—some initiative on the Canadian front. We need to bring to the whole country some inspiring news about some victories.”

  Armstrong was nodding vigorously.

  Madison smiled woodenly. “Now, sir, I will be happy to hear the plan you propose delivering at the cabinet meeting tomorrow to accomplish this.”

  Armstrong stood, quickly unbuckled his satchel, and drew out a sheaf of papers. He laid them on the leading edge of the desk and began to speak as he unfolded a large map. As Madison rose to stand over the map, Armstrong squared it with the compass, then tapped his finger firmly on the St. Lawrence River where it was marked “Montreal,” midway between Quebec and the east end of Lake Ontario.

  “For some time now the administration has been aware that the key to taking Canada is seizing control of the Great Lakes. If we intend driving the British from Canada altogether, this is the place we should start. Take Montreal and place fifty cannon batteries on the riverbanks, and we can stop anything the British send up the St. Lawrence to sustain their military on the Great Lakes. Every British outpost, every British fort, will be trapped without communication or support and could eventually be taken systematically, in order!”

  Armstrong paused, intensely watching Madison for a change of expression. There was none, and he went on.

  “To take Montreal would require us to assemble a large military force in the state of New York, train it, equip it, and move it north on the Richelieu River to the St. Lawrence, then west to Montreal. At the same time we would move what gunboats are available east on the St. Lawrence to take up positions facing Montreal. A coordinated attack—the army on land, the navy on the river—would bring Montreal under our control.”

  Again he paused, aware of the growing sense of frustration and impatience in Madison. He took a breath and continued.

  “At best, it would take the entire summer to accomplish such a plan. And we do not have the entire summer. It is seventy-nine days until the pivotal election that will decide whether the Republicans lose the state of New York to the Federalists.”

  He stopped, then spaced his words for dramatic impact.

  “We must have a military victory that will help swing the New York election to the Republicans, and we must have it not later than the first day of April. It must reach all newspapers in Albany and New York City and in other towns in time to persuade the voters that the Republicans and this administration have turned the course of the war in our favor, and can win it.”

  For the first time, Armstrong saw faint hope in Madison’s eyes. Armstrong shifted his finger on the map, following the St. Lawrence west to the point where it joins Lake Ontario, to stop at the place marked Kingston.

  “Taking Montreal is the most strategically important objective we can undertake to defeat the British, but at this moment the strategy of the war must yield to the political realities. Before the New York election, the Republican party must bring to this country a victory that will lift the spirit of the nation—revive a sense of patriotism—restore confidence that we can rise above our mistakes of last year and win!”

  Madison cut in. “How do you propose we accomplish that?”

  Armstrong tapped his finger on the map. “Take Kingston!”

  Madison’s forehead drew down in question. “Take the British base of naval operations on the Great Lakes?”

  “Exactly! At this moment it is poorly defended. Vulnerable. Land our army on both sides while our gunboats engage their shore batteries, and attack the naval base from both sides and the rear. The meager force they have there now would surrender within twenty-four hours or be completely destroyed. If such a victory could be announced in this country in the first week of April, the election would be assured in our favor.”

  “If we do take Kingston, what is our next step?”

  Hastily Armstrong traced with his finger. “York. Here. At the other end of Lake Ontario. Then on to Fort Erie. Here. On the British side of the Niagara River. Across from Buffalo. Once we have Kingston, York and Fort Erie will quickly fall. That will give us the political advantage we must have immediately. We can follow that with a military victory at Montreal that will give us control of the Great Lakes. And once the Great Lakes are ours, the British hold on Canada is doomed.”

  Madison nodded, and Armstrong saw the light coming into his eyes. He went on.

  “You remember that last September orders were given to Captain Isaac Chauncey to assume control of American naval forces on Erie and Ontario, and to do whatever necessary to bring them under our control.”

  Madison reflected for a moment. “Yes. I remember. Chauncey is a younger man, but capable. Am I right?”

  “Yes. He has spent the
winter gathering ships wherever he could, and getting others built. He has them moored at Sacketts Harbor, here, on Lake Ontario, and at Presque Isle, here, on Lake Erie. He also contacted and brought in a twenty-seven-year-old naval officer named Oliver H. Perry—a very promising young officer. He’s ordered Perry to take control of our Lake Erie forces while Chauncey continues with Lake Ontario. There’s a third man Chauncey has included. Adam Dunson. Dunson’s a middle-aged man of experience in commercial shipping. He’s commanded commercial ships on the Great Lakes many times in the past twenty years for a company named Dunson & Weems out of Boston. Knows every port on the lakes. Intimately. Chauncey needs Dunson’s experience.”

  Madison asked, “Is Dunson going to command one of our naval gunboats?”

  Armstrong shook his head. “No. He brought his own ship, the Margaret. His own crew. He converted one of his commercial ships to a gunboat—thirty-eight heavy cannon—and has offered it—himself, his crew, and his gunboat—as a volunteer.”

  Madison suddenly straightened, eyes wide. “Did you say Adam Dunson?”

  “Yes. Know him?”

  “Not him, but I know Matthew Dunson! Matthew Dunson and Billy Weems own that shipping company. Matthew is one of my most trusted confidants! If Adam Dunson is of that family, Chauncey has chosen well!”

  Armstrong went on. “This entire offensive is to commence the first day of April. Twenty-two days from now. We don’t have one day, one hour, to waste.”

  Madison stared in question. “April first?”

  Armstrong nodded vigorously. “April first.”

  “The ice?” Madison asked.

  “It will be far enough gone that it should not be a hindrance. What’s left of it we can handle.” Armstrong paused for an instant, then continued. “Now, I have arranged for the two prominent newspapers—the Albany Argus and the National Advocate—to prepare news articles for release the first week in April. The articles will trumpet our successes on both the lakes—Erie and Ontario.”

 

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