The American Military - A Narrative History

by Brad D. Lookingbill

With growing confidence, the Reagan administration authorized military actions across the Middle East. Over the Gulf of Sidra, Navy fighters shot down two attacking jets of Colonel Muammar Qaddafi, the Libyan dictator. In retaliation for the dictator's sponsorship of a deadly terrorist attack in Berlin, Reagan authorized air strikes on several targets inside Libya. On April 15, 1986, Operation El Dorado Canyon significantly degraded the military capabilities of Qaddafi's regime. The U.S. also safeguarded oil tankers in the Persian Gulf, where the Navy and Marine Corps confronted Iranian gunboats threatening Kuwaiti vessels. An Iraqi fighter hit the U.S.S. Stark with a missile, which killed 37 sailors and injured 21 more. While the Iran–Iraq War further destabilized the Middle East, officials in Washington D.C. concentrated upon protecting America's vital interests.

  In Washington D.C., reports surfaced about the Iran–Contra affair. Despite Reagan insisting that the U.S. refused to negotiate with terrorists, his administration secretly sold arms to Iran while attempting to secure the release of American hostages held in Lebanon. The transaction with Iranians helped to subsidize Nicaraguan rebels called the “Contras,” even though Congress in 1984 prohibited governmental measures to fund them. Lieutenant Colonel Oliver North, an aide to the National Security Council and a decorated Marine, ran a clandestine effort from the White House basement. McFarlane resigned as National Security Advisor and attempted suicide, while his successor, Admiral John Poindexter, was convicted on five felony counts. The Iran–Contra affair embarrassed the Reagan administration, because congressional hearings revealed the misuse of power by officials at the top.

  With the first major reform of the military establishment in almost 40 years, Congress attempted to improve the interoperability of the armed forces. Passed in 1986, the Goldwater–Nichols Defense Reorganization Act strengthened the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Though respecting the principle of civilian oversight, it elevated the designated post as the principal military advisor to the commander-in-chief. Moreover, it gave theater commanders significant control over assets while conducting military operations with greater unity and coordination. In addition, it overhauled personnel management within the departments of the Army, Navy, and Air Force. Most of all, it forced each of the branches to become more tightly integrated within the Pentagon and more attuned to the concept of “jointness.”

  By the close of the decade, “jointness” became the rallying cry for a new generation of military leaders such as General Colin L. Powell. A professional soldier for over three decades, he was the highest-ranking African American in the armed forces. Before becoming a four-star general, his positions ranged from senior assistant for Weinberger to National Security Advisor for Reagan. On his watch, the Cold War thawed fast. During 1989, President George H. W. Bush tapped him for chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

  Figure 15.2 Major General Colin L. Powell, August 27, 1984. Record Group 330: Records of the Office of the Secretary of Defense, 1921–2008, National Archives

  Eager to test operational concepts, Powell advised Bush to confront General Manuel Noriega of Panama. Grand juries in the U.S. indicted Noriega for drug trafficking and money laundering, but Panama's National Assembly named him “Maximum Leader.” His command of the Panamanian Defense Forces, or PDF, allowed him to survive several coups and to suppress opposition parties. He proclaimed a “state of war” with the U.S. and encouraged assaults on American troops in the Canal Zone, which was scheduled under a treaty to revert to Panama in stages.

  Beginning on December 20, 1989, American troops intervened in Panama. “Mad Max” Thurman, commander of U.S. Southern Command, or SOUTHCOM, coordinated the military action. Named Operation Just Cause, more than 20,000 personnel and around 300 aircraft participated in five military task forces. The new F-117 stealth bomber struck key targets, while infantry, airborne, and armor units defeated the PDF and secured the country. After installing a new regime, they turned their attention to capturing Noriega. Blocked from escape by Navy SEALs, he surrendered to U.S. forces after an 11-day stand-off at the Vatican embassy. A military helicopter flew him to Howard Air Base in Panama City, where agents of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration arrested him. American losses from combat numbered 23 dead and 325 wounded. However, Panamanian casualties included hundreds of civilians. Within weeks, the mission in Panama shifted from combat to peacekeeping.

  After accomplishing the mission in Panama, the American military extolled what was known as the Powell Doctrine. Echoing principles previously outlined by Weinberger, Powell justified the use of the armed forces in operations only when vital interests were threatened. “Have a clear political objective,” he posited, “and stick to it.” Furthermore, he encouraged using “all the force necessary” without apologizing for “going in big if that is what it takes.” Decisive force “ends wars quickly,” which he claimed saved lives in the long run. Whatever the emerging threats, the Powell Doctrine formed the bedrock of strategic thought for years to come.

  Line in the Sand

  On the morning of August 2, 1990, Saddam Hussein, the brutal dictator of Iraq, invaded Kuwait, a tiny, oil-rich neighbor. Controlling the fourth largest army in the world, he intended to annex what he called a “lost province.” Within days, most Kuwaitis surrendered or fled their country. Iraqi forces looted Kuwait City, while Hussein turned his attention toward Saudi Arabia and its abundant wealth. If successful, he would control nearly half of the world's oil reserves. Though caught off balance, the United Nations passed multiple resolutions demanding the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait.

  With global oil markets shaken by the turbulence, the Bush administration took action to block Iraqi forces. “Mr. President,” Powell asked during an emergency meeting, “should we think about laying down a line in the sand concerning Saudi Arabia?” Bush answered with an affirmative: “We're committed to Saudi Arabia.” Immediately, Saudi King Fahd bin Abdul-Aziz accepted American military assistance to protect his kingdom.

  General H. Norman Schwarzkopf, who headed U.S. Central Command, or CENTCOM, took charge of American military assistance. Six days after Iraq invaded Kuwait, personnel from the 82nd Airborne Division arrived in the Arabian peninsula. Drawing from Operations Plan 1002-90, CENTCOM dispatched the 101st Airborne Division and the 24th Infantry Division as well. Likewise, elements of the 1st Tactical Fighter Wing and 1st Marine Expeditionary Force joined them. The 1st Cavalry Division from Fort Hood, Texas, arrived that September. The Military Airlift Command, or MAC, transported the personnel, equipment, and supplies to the Persian Gulf. Bush ordered the Pentagon to commence mobilization of the reserve component, especially support and service units. Code-named Operation Desert Shield, the primary objective was to deter Iraq from invading another Arab state.

  Hussein refused to yield Kuwait, but the aggressive diplomacy of the Bush administration helped to confer legitimacy to Desert Shield. Secretary of State James Baker convinced leaders from Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America to support a trade embargo. While the Navy maintained a tight blockade, the UN Security Council imposed sanctions on Iraq for non-compliance with previous resolutions. Although the Soviets supplied most of Iraq's arms in the past, Eduard Shevardnadze, the Soviet Foreign Minister, issued a joint statement with Baker to condemn Hussein. To alleviate the mounting costs of the military operation, the “United Fund” raised money from Japan, Germany, and Korea as well as from the Gulf Cooperation Council. A total of 34 nations sent troops to the Gulf, but the U.S. provided more than two-thirds of the boots on the ground. Despite the unease about the multinational coalition, numerous flags appeared along the Saudi border.

  Hoping to make Hussein think twice before crossing the Saudi border, Schwarzkopf measured his words carefully during briefings and interviews with the media. Privately, he worried about a “window of vulnerability” while ramping up the operation. U.S forces and coalition partners deployed rapidly, but he estimated that a fight might cost as many as 5,000 casualties. Preparing to defend enclaves tha
t included ports and airfields on the Gulf coast, he counted on air power to disrupt a potential Iraqi drive across the desert. In other words, the first cohort of American troops represented little more than “speed bumps.”

  Desert Shield introduced American troops to a formidable environment, which offered no ground for anyone to hide. Daytime temperatures often surpassed 120 degrees, while the evening chill dropped to 30 degrees at times. U.S. armored vehicles became so hot at midday that some soldiers actually fried food on them. Shortages of the desert-pattern battle-dress uniforms, or BDUs, left many with only one set of camouflaged clothing and boots to wear. Defending a line in the sand, the scattered units endured five months in the arid wasteland.

  Units arriving in the Gulf encountered alien customs and unfamiliar traditions. Because Saudi Arabia held the holiest sites of Islam, U.S. commanders encouraged personnel to avoid offending the religious sensibilities of the host country. For example, the reading and the display of the Bible remained confined to military camps and compounds. The presence of women in uniform challenged the prevailing assumptions of gender, which demanded coverings from head to toe. To the chagrin of many Muslims, female service members worked with arms bared and barked orders to men. Although the hoisting of the Stars and Stripes aroused some alarm, the Saudis generally appreciated the American colors.

  Despite the logistical challenges, Schwarzkopf trained Americans for battle over the ensuing months. Outnumbered nearly three to one, they faced an adversary equipped with tanks, artillery, aircraft, and missiles. The enemy's elite corps formed the Republican Guard, which reported directly to Hussein in the Iraqi capital of Baghdad. Furthermore, American intelligence detected the emplacement of mines, trenches, ditches, bunkers, and barbed wire inside Kuwait. In addition to a nascent nuclear program, Iraq possessed chemical and biological weapons.

  For the next phase of the operation, Schwarzkopf planned for combat against Iraq. He turned to a team of officers from the School of Advanced Military Studies, or SAMS, at Fort Leavenworth, where graduates earned the nickname Jedi Knights. During September, they met in Riyadh and developed options for a ground attack. Air Force Colonel John A. Warden proposed an air campaign known as Instant Thunder, while Army logistics favored the option of a corps going “straight up the middle” to kick Hussein out of Kuwait. However, a sweeping “left hook” to the west of the Iraqi lines represented another option. After reviewing the options that October, Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney suggested revising them “with a little imagination this time.” Bush promised to double the number of troops after the midterm elections, which emboldened the planners to exploit the mobility of a second corps. The final iteration of the plan retained a direct advance into Kuwait to pin down the Iraqi forces, but additional U.S. forces would maneuver in concert on the western flank to envelop them.

  In early November, Bush issued Executive Order 12733 to authorize the mobilization of combat units from the National Guard and Reserves. With the president's signature, the Defense Appropriations Act enabled him to place the citizen soldiers on active duty for up to 360 days. The number activated reached 227,800, while another 10,000 volunteered for immediate deployment. Cheney postponed sending the “round out” brigades to join their parent divisions for as long as possible, but nearly half were sent to the theater of operations eventually. While preparing a rotation policy, the DOD counted on the reserve component in the Gulf.

  By the close of the year, U.S. forces in the Gulf exceeded a half-million men and women. Along with carriers, battleships, and aircraft, massive quantities of armaments flowed into the region. When sanctions failed to bring an end to Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, the United Nations delivered an ultimatum for a withdrawal by January 15, 1991. Both houses of Congress voted to authorize the use of force, albeit reluctantly. As the deadline approached, Americans waited in the desert for what Hussein would call “The Mother of All Battles.”

  Desert Storm

  Two days after the deadline passed, Operation Desert Storm unleashed one of the largest and most sophisticated collections of weaponry ever amassed for war. Beginning at daybreak, Apache helicopters and Tomahawk missiles struck targets across Iraq. The initial phase also included aerial attacks by B-52s, F-117s, F-16s, A-10s, and A-6s. People around the world watched on television, which broadcast footage of “smart bombs” along with scenes of “collateral damage.”

  A television reporter wanted to interview Major Bobby “Jet” Jernigan, who returned from a tactical strike by his South Carolina Air National Guard F-16 fighter-bomber unit. The 37-year-old exited his aircraft and walked across the runway with his helmet under one arm. While the reporter chased him with a microphone and a camera, Jernigan turned to say thanks to God for the safe completion of his mission and “for the love of a good woman.” Pausing once more, he added with a grin: “I want to thank God that I'm an American fighter pilot.”

  Owing to the precision of American firepower, Iraq plunged into darkness. The multiphase air campaign demolished Hussein's radar facilities, communications infrastructure, and power grid. Damage assessments of the bombardments suggested that the Iraqi Army appeared on the verge of collapse. Moreover, the Iraqi Air Force ceased to exist. Thousands of sorties destroyed enemy planes in the sky and on the ground, while more than 100 Iraqi aviators fled with their aircraft to Iran. Nevertheless, Hussein launched Scud missiles into Saudi Arabia and Israel. During the “Great Scud Hunt,” Air Force and Navy jets knocked out several mobile missile launchers. With air supremacy achieved, coalition forces continued to work together to eliminate Iraqi command-and-control sites.

  On January 29, Iraqi soldiers crossed the border to attack the deserted Saudi town of Khafji. From houses and buildings inside the town, two Marine reconnaissance teams directed artillery and air support against their opponents. Less than 48 hours later, the Battle of Khafji ended with an Iraqi defeat. Thousands of Hussein's troops perished during the first land battle of the Gulf War, while most American casualties came from “friendly fire.” An aerial counterstroke reached deep into Iraqi-held territory to disrupt the flow of supplies and reinforcements to the forward positions, which indicated the importance of air power in shaping the battlefield.

  While General Chuck A. Horner directed the air power of Desert Storm, Schwarzkopf, who aptly named the operation, planned to begin the ground attack in mid-February. However, General Walter E. Boomer, commander of the Marines, needed more time to align his two divisions. Given the weather forecast for Kuwait, Powell agreed to February 24 as the date to commence the next phase – G-Day. After Iraqi troops dumped crude oil offshore and set oil wells ablaze, Schwarzkopf called his commanders to say that “it's a go.” No commander doubted the outcome, especially after the 38-day air campaign loosened Hussein's grip on Kuwait. A campaign of misdirection convinced the dictator that the Marines intended to conduct an amphibious assault against Iraq's deepwater ports in the Gulf. A feint up the Wadi al-Batin by the 1st Cavalry Regiment caused the Republican Guard to miscalculate the location of the main advance. Consequently, nothing Hussein hurled at the coalition forces slowed their carefully synchronized and highly focused offensive.

  As the offensive commenced, the coalition forces engaged the enemy along three axes. Accompanied by an all-Arab corps, Boomer sent the Marines through a minefield into Kuwait. Nearly 200 miles west of the Gulf coast, General Frederick M. Franks of VII Corps prepared to deliver the “left hook” to knock out the Republican Guard. On the extreme western flank, General Gary E. Luck directed XVIII Airborne Corps into southern Iraq and maneuvered toward the Euphrates River. To the delight of military planners from Riyadh to Fort Leavenworth, the offensive swept through the desert with speed.

  Figure 15.3 Operation Desert Storm

  During the first day of the offensive, the coalition forces nearest the Gulf advanced 20 miles into Kuwait. The 1st Marine Expeditionary Force captured around 10,000 Iraqis and seized Al Jaber Airfield. An Iraqi division counterattacked the next day b
ut was quickly repulsed. Afterward, the Marines isolated Kuwait City, secured Kuwait International Airport, and seized Mutla Ridge. Amid the burning oil wells, the air they breathed became darkened with soot. By February 26, the offensive liberated the capital city. Thousands of Kuwaitis cheered in the streets: “Thank you, thank you, U.S.A!”

  Meanwhile, XVIII Airborne Corps penetrated over 90 miles into Iraq. The 101st Airmobile Division seized a forward operating base and dispatched a brigade to the Euphrates by the second day. Ahead of schedule, American helicopters maneuvered to interdict Iraqi troop movements along the northerly routes into Kuwait. After driving overland to the Euphrates, General Barry McCaffrey, commander of the 24th Infantry Division, steered his mechanized regiments eastward to assist VII Corps in smashing the opposition.

  The infantry, armor, artillery, and aviation of VII Corps formed a mailed fist, which consisted of 142,000 soldiers and 48,500 vehicles. The 2nd Cavalry Regiment entered Iraq at Phase Line Becks, while their loudspeakers broadcast Wagner's “The Ride of the Valkyries.” Striking the defensive positions down range, field artillery batteries with Multiple Launch Rocket Systems, or MLRS, fired more than 11,000 rounds in only a half-hour. The 1st Infantry Division breached berms, minefields, and barricades across a 9-mile front, where armored bulldozers entombed the enemy in shallow trenches. Within two days, the 1st and 3rd Armored Divisions rolled around the western edge of the obstacle belt and proceeded to envelop the Iraqi forces to the east. The Abrams tanks of the 2nd Cavalry outflanked, outranged, and outgunned the Iraqi's T-72s at every turn. Gathering momentum, VII Corps amassed a wall of tanks and armored vehicles nearly 80 miles wide.

  On February 27, the 1st Armored Division under General Ron Griffith fought the Battle of Medina Ridge – the largest tank battle in American military history. In the northwest corner of Kuwait, 166 Abrams tanks from the 2nd Brigade smashed into a line of T-72s approximately 7 miles long. The brigade commander, Colonel Montgomery C. Meigs, ordered the tankers to “move gently but deliberately and kill all those people.” For 40 minutes, they fired, reloaded, and fired again. Many Iraqis abandoned their vehicles and ran for their lives. Without losing a single tank to hostile fire, Americans pulverized a division of the Republican Guard.