To rally his dragoons, Tarleton went down the road, perhaps 200 yards ahead of the Americans swarming around the artillery. He was well to the rear when he commenced a last attempt to win the battle. “Fourteen officers and forty horsemen were, however, not unmindful of their own reputation, or the situation of their commanding officer. Colonel Washington’s cavalry were charged, and driven back into the continental infantry by this handful of brave men.”33
Some British dragoons advanced and tried to save the cannon, but Washington’s troopers came between Tarleton and the American infantry. “The affair in this quarter now became very animated.”34 Too few of Tarleton’s men got into action. “Tarleton says that 14 officers & 40 men charged Washington’s horse and drove them back into the continental infantry. . . . This is not correct. This affair checked Washington’s pursuit, but he did not fall back.”35 Whether Washington fell back or not, British dragoons reached the American infantry. Continentals reported being wounded by British dragoons, and the only encounter between them came when Tarleton charged into the melee around the guns. This encounter was the worse part of the battle for the American cavalry. South Carolina dragoon James Simons claimed “It was at this period of the Action that we sustained the greatest loss of Men.”36 James Busby, “wounded in the Neck by a Sword from a British horseman while he was in a charge under Col Washington,” was probably hurt at this time.37
At least one British Legion dragoon was a former Delaware Continental. Michael Dougherty “should have escaped unhurt, had not a dragoon of Washington’s added a scratch or two to the account already scored on my unfortunate carcass.” He was in Captain Nathaniel Vernon’s troop and reported as a prisoner in the 23 February 1781 muster roll. Since Dougherty was wounded by one of Washington’s men, he must have been involved in this last-ditch attack because Vernon’s British Legion troop did not encounter Americans anywhere else.38
The British response was too little and too late, and the Americans could not be overcome. “Tarleton prudently commanded a retreat. Being of course in the rear of his men, and looking behind, he perceived that Washington was very near him and full thirty yards ahead of his troops.”39 “It was Washington’s custom, to be in advance of his troops in the day of battle.” “In the pursuit he had got a head of his men, perhaps 30 yards. Three of the british officers observing this wheeled about and made a charge at him.”40
Word of the ensuing “duel” spread quickly after Cowpens.41 The earliest account dates from February 1781, when Samuel Shaw wrote fellow officers in the North that, “Col. Washington . . . opposed himself three several times personally to Tarleton, who declined any engagement of that sort. He wounded Washington’s horse with a pistol, but received a cut on the arm from one of our dragoon officers.”42 Howard made a more circumspect statement: the third officer, “who was believed to be Tarleton, made a thrust at him, which he parried.”43 “In this engagement colonel Washington . . . displaying his personal valour in a combat with colonel Tarleton, in which he cut off two of Tarleton’s fingers & would have cut off his head, had it not been for his stock-buckle, which . . . saved the life of the British officer.”44
A differing British version identifies participants. “A party of the cavalry retreated with such expedition, that they lost their way, and encountered a party of the enemy’s cavalry of nearly the same strength. Each party marched up at full trot, threatening mutual destruction. They drew up at the distance often paces, and dared each other to advance. Both were timid, and not a man moved.” “Cornet Paterson, of the 17th Light Dragoons . . . coming up at that instant, and indignant at seeing such backwardness in British troops, penetrated the ranks, dashed at Colonel Washington, who commanded, and, in the act of making a stroke at him, was cut down by the Colonel’s orderly serjeant.”45
Once Patterson was disabled, Washington, with a broken sword, was still in danger because “the officer on the left. . . was preparing to make a stroke at him when a boy, a waiter, who had not strength to wield his sword, drew his pistol and shot and wounded this officer, which disabled him.”46 Washington escaped his first two opponents thanks to his staff. The third officer “retreated 10 or 12 steps and wheeled about and fired a pistol which wounded Washington’s horse.” “The noble animal that bore Washington was destined to receive the ball that had . . . been aimed at his rider.”47 Militia dragoon William Shope rescued Washington “by giving the colonel his horse” after Washington’s horse was killed on the battlefield.48 Howard’s comment that the British officer was “believed to be Tarleton” sums up the “duel.”
Tarleton’s dragoons were some distance from the artillery when the fight around the guns began. The open field gave them room to maneuver, but clear sight lines allowed militia rifles to be brought into play. “Pickens’ marksmen had now opened upon them, and they literally broke away with a ‘sauve qui peu”49 The men firing on the British dragoons were militia who fled to their horses, remounted, and resumed the fight. With the mobility to operate against cavalry and the weaponry to engage at long range, “we then advanced briskly, and gained the right flank of the enemy, and they being hard pressed in front, . . . could not stand it long. They began to throw down their arms, and surrender themselves prisoners of war.”50
James Collins, the Fair Forest private, was one militiaman who remounted and returned to the fight. “I fired my little rifle five times.”51 If Collins fired two shots on the militia line with Brandon, and one against the 17th Dragoons, he fired only twice more at British soldiers reforming after Howard’s bayonet charge. Collins was not alone in firing at the British during this phase; a fairly heavy long-range fire was directed against Tarleton’s legion. It was too much for the British, and “two hundred and fifty horse which had not been engaged, fled through the woods with the utmost precipitation, bearing down such officers as opposed their flight.”52
About this time, Kinlock’s headquarters troop was overrun. As Lieutenant Simons later told William Washington, “they could no longer Keep Everhart a Prisoner [and] Shot him with a Pistol, in the head, over one of his eyes . . . being then intermixed with the enemy, Everhart pointed out to me the man who shot him, . . . who by my order, was instantly Shot, and his horse as well as I can recollect, was given to Everhart, whom I ordered in the rear to the Surgeons.”53
Alexander Chesney did not mince words. Tarleton’s “force disperced in all directions the guns and many prisoners fell into the hands of the Americans.” Washington, now remounted on Shope’s horse, set off in pursuit. “The retiring enemy were pressed,” as the Americans swarmed after the British.54 Some men did not wait for the order to chase after the British. Howard mentioned other pursuers: “We had a German a volunteer . . . He with some five or six militia men well mounted had pushed down the road and got a head of Tarletons horse and had taken the baggage which he was obliged to leave.”55
The incident involving Tarleton’s baggage train has been presented in many ways, often implying Tarleton scattered Tories plundering his baggage. William Johnson first reported that “a party of about fifty loyalists . . . These men . . . finding the baggage abandoned, very laudably entered upon the work of saving what they could . . . by appropriating it to their own use. . . . [T]he wrath of the mortified dragoons was let loose upon all who were not fortunate enough to make good their retreat.”56 When the frustrated British dragoons came on their baggage train, they attacked. After all, it was virtually impossible to tell Tory from Whig, since both were wearing civilian clothing.
The baggage guard was “a party of men under Ensign Fraser, of the 71st.” Fraser and the wagons “had not reached the Cowpens at the time of the action: Early intelligence of the defeat being conveyed . . . by some friendly Americans, he immediately destroyed whatever part of the baggage could not be carried off, and mounting his men on the waggon and spare horses, retreated to the main army unmolested.” In the little time it took to cut the wagon horses loose, and flee, it was difficult to destroy much of anything so that the vic
torious Americans could not use these spoils of war. Morgan described the British baggage as “immense,” and thirty-five wagons that Fraser did not destroy were captured. Many Americans “had not for months seen candles, coffee, tea, sugar, pepper or vinegar” until they captured Tarleton’s baggage.57
When Tarleton reached his baggage, Americans with the German volunteer Glaubeck were there. Glaubeck’s party included Major Benjamin Jolly and Thomas Young, who had “resolved upon an excursion to capture some of the baggage. We went about twelve miles, and captured two British soldiers, two negroes, and two horses laden with portmanteaus. One of the portmanteaus belonged to a paymaster in the British service, and contained gold. Jolly insisted upon my returning with the prize to camp.”58 The precise accounting of two soldiers, two servants, and two horses indicates Jolly’s party encountered British batmen. These officer servants were moving in advance of the slow-moving baggage wagons. When Glaubeck, Jolly, and Young reached the wagons, Fraser was gone, since no Americans engaged the baggage guard. Abandoned wagons were spread out along the road, following the line of march. The Americans plundered some wagons, sent Young rearward, and then “dashed onward, and soon captured an armorer’s wagon.”59
Tarleton reported that he encountered the “Americans, who had seized upon the baggage of the British troops on the road from the late encampment, [where they] were dispersed.”60 It is possible some baggage was destroyed by Tarleton after he “retook the baggage of the corps, cut the detachment who had it in possession to pieces, destroyed the greater part. . . [and] retired with the rest to Hamilton’s Ford.”61 Tarleton’s party was not further molested after the baggage incident.
No American reported being set upon by Tarleton after the battle except Thomas Young, returning to Cowpens with his prisoners. When he saw British dragoons, he
wheeled, put spurs to my horse, and made down the road . . . three or four dashed through the woods and intercepted me. . . . My pistol was empty, so I drew my sword and made battle. I never fought so hard in my life. . . . In a few minutes one finger on my left hand was split open; then I received a cut on my sword arm by a parry which disabled it. In the next instant a cut from a sabre across my forehead . . . the skin slipped down over my eyes, and the blood blinded me so that I could see nothing. Then came a thrust in the right shoulder blade, then a cut upon the left shoulder, and a last cut . . . on the back of my head—and I fell upon my horse’s neck.62
Young’s capture places American Whigs at the baggage train. What happened to Young clearly reflects “the wrath of the mortified dragoons,” but “they took me down, bound up my wounds, and placed me again on my horse a prisoner of war . . . Col. Tarlton sent for me . . . I begged him to parole me, but he said, ‘if he did, I should go right off and turn to fighting again.63
As Tarleton retreated, he learned “that the main army had not advanced beyond Turkey creek: He therefore directed his course to the south east, in order to reach Hamilton’s ford, near the mouth of Bullock creek, whence he might communicate with Earl Cornwallis.”64 While Tarleton rode south, more American pursuit was organized. Pickens “sent Col. Washington with his cavalry in pursuit of Tarleton, I ordered Jackson, who was brave and active, to return as quickly as possible with as many of the mounted militia as he could get.”65 “After the battle was over the company . . . mounted and went in pursuit of Tarleton under the command of Collonel Washington—They pursued on towards Cornwallis camp and then return to the Cowpens.” “We pursued them on to where Corn Wallies Army was laying.”66
Militia pursuing Tarleton included men from four different battalions who mounted, perhaps after withdrawing from the militia line. They joined the Continental dragoons and “pursued with Col. Washington 22 miles and made prisoners of several in Tarleton’s rear but could not bring him to an action. We did not get back to the battle ground till the next morning.”67
As soon as some order was restored, Kirkwood’s infantrymen were sent after the British, an independent role they performed often in 1781. Despite 25 percent casualties in the battle, the Delawares went about twelve miles to serve as a reserve for the mounted troops. Kirkwood’s men marched about three hours and halted around noon. Kirkwood’s party, “among which were the Virginia militia,” halted to rest while waiting to see if Washington needed help farther down the road. They also secured the captured wagons and additional prisoners. After waiting, the Delawares “returned back to the field of Battle . . . late in the afternoon.” It was about to rain, although none of the Delawares, worn out by fighting and marching twenty-four miles since the battle, mentioned it. Along with Sergeant Major William Seymour, they “lay amongst the Dead & Wounded Very Well pleased With Our days Work.” They had been “instrumental in taking a great number of prisoners.”68
A day or two after the formal pursuit ended on 18 January, a party of militia snapped up some of Tarleton’s baggage train that had escaped. The Newberry militiamen had “left their homes to unite with Morgan before the battle of the Cowpens. . . . [The] battle was fought and won; and the news reached them on the way. . . . They fell upon a part of Tarleton’s baggage train at Love’s Ford, . . . and captured it; horses, negroes, wagons and all other property, they managed to get safely into the block house on Pacolet.”69 The victims in this case must have been the heavy baggage and people Tarleton did not want during the pursuit of Morgan. They were working their way up the Broad River’s east bank, moving toward Corn-wallis’s camp slightly farther north when they were taken.
When Kirkwood and Washington returned to Cowpens, Morgan was already gone. Before the Flying Army left, Morgan did not neglect intelligence gathering and local conditions. Men were “detached by order of Geni. Morgan to look into Cornwallis’ Camp on the Broad River, to report his movements and communicate with Geni. Pickens or himself daily until further orders. This service was performed regularly until the british took up Camp at Ramsour’s Mill.”70 Some units were directed to suppress the Tories.
The British used several routes to escape. Some took the Green River Road to the Pacolet crossings they used on 16 January. Others, including Tarleton, retraced the approach march as far as Adam Goudelock’s farm near Burr’s Mill on Thicketty Creek. With Tories such as Chesney no longer present, Tarleton impressed a guide. “Tarleton and his cavalry fled before Washington for sixteen miles, to Goudelock’s, where they pressed Mr. Goudelock to pilot them across the Pacolette at Scull Shoals, which was the nighest route to Hamilton’s ford, on Broad River.”71 Tarleton seized the civilian because his escape route was not well known and would not appear on maps even in the early nineteenth century.
Mrs. Goudelock’s fear “for the safety of her husband, saved . . . Tarleton and the remnant of his legion from captivity.”72 Tarleton left a clear trail as he headed for Cornwallis, at least as far as Goudelock’s. Military travel over the last three days apparently so obscured the road Tarleton took after Thicketty Creek, that Mrs. Goudelock was able to mislead Washington and sent him down the familiar road toward Grindal Shoals. Washington got back to the Cowpens later, driving “before him near one hundred straggling prisoners collected on his route.”73 Others, including Triplett’s Virginians, continued through the night, scouring the region for British fugitives until “the next day when we returned from the pursuit. We then followed after Morgan who had gone on with the prisoners.”74
Tarleton, following Goudelock’s directions, made his way via Skull Shoal, retreating “with the remains of this small but brave and faithful band of adherents, to Hamilton’s Ford (Pinckneyville), upon Broad River,” “near the mouth of Bullock creek.”75 Thomas Young reported what happened when Tarleton “got to Hamilton Ford about dark. Just before we came to the river, a British dragoon came up at full speed, and told Col. Tarlton that Washington was close behind in pursuit. It was now very dark, and the river was said to be swimming. The British were not willing to take water. Col. Tarlton flew into a terrible passion, and drawing his sword, swore he would cut down the first man
who hesitated. They knew him too well to hesitate longer.”76
The alarmed dragoon was mistaken since Washington was already back at Cowpens. Militia units were covering the roads, sweeping up stragglers. Captain Samuel Otterson and his company pursued “until night at which period all of his men had failed off by their horses giving out except ten men when we overtook the enemy Kill one Took twenty twenty [sic] two white Prisoners & twenty seven negroes sixty head of horses 14 sords & 14 braces of pistols amongst the white prisoners was an officer with the rank of Captain.” Otterson had an advantage since his home was located near Hamilton’s Ford and he knew the countryside.77
Otterson fell upon British dragoons who salvaged some of Tarleton’s more portable baggage. They included a fourteen-man mounted detachment and a sergeant’s guard of eight infantrymen based upon the captured weaponry. They evaded Washington’s pursuit and were working their way back to Cornwallis. A dragoon who escaped Otterson reported Washington’s approach to Tarleton. In the darkness and confusion, Young made his escape from Tarleton’s party.
A young Virginian by the name of Deshaser . . . and myself, managed to get into the woods. In truth a British soldier had agreed to let us escape, and to desert if we would assist him in securing the plunder he had taken. We slipped away one at a time up the river, Deshaser first, then myself. I waited what / thought a very long time . . . and I gave a low whistle—Deshaser answered me, and we met. It was now very dark and raining . . . we pressed on and soon arrived at old Captain Grant’s where I was glad to stop.78
Tarleton crossed the Broad, but remained at the ford overnight, collecting men who escaped and reached the river. By 18 January, “above two hundred cavalry who had fled to the main army, and several other fugitives, joined Lieutenant-colonel Tarleton . . . at Hamilton’s ford.”79 “Few of the legion cavalry were missing: One division of them arrived the same evening in the neighbourhood of the British encampment, with the news of their defeat, and another under Tarleton, who in his way had been joined by some stragglers, appeared the next morning.”80 Not all the British continued moving toward Cornwallis. Some tried to hide and wait out the cold, rain, and pursuit. “We approached a barn. It had a light in it, and I heard a cough. We halted and reconnoitred, and finding it occupied by some British soldiers, we pressed on.”81
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