25. Perry, “Revolutionary Incidents, Number 7, The Cowpens,” Benjamin Franklin Perry Papers, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. One of Perry’s informants was Captain Thomas Farrow, a Cowpens veteran who served with the Spartanburg militia.
26. Feaster, History of Union County, 79.
27. Henry Pettit, pension, 24 Oct. 1832, M804, Roll 1920; Hugh Warren, pension, 16 June 1834, M804, Roll 2497, supplementary statement.
28. James Dillard, pension, 7 July 1833, M804, Roll 817; Richard Griffin, pension, 28 Nov. 1832, M804, Roll 1132; Samuel Smith, pension, 11 Sept. 1843, M804, Roll 2231; Henry Stewart, 7 Jan. 1846, supporting statement in Samuel Hogg, pension, 15 Sept. 1836, M804, Roll 1300.
29. Long, “Statement of Robert Long,” 6; MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton’s History, 97–98; John R. Shaw, Narrative, 53–55; Stedman, American War, 320–24; Stewart, Highlanders of Scotland, 2:71; John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 216.
30. In 1983, a re-created unit fired battalion volleys with forty-one seconds between first and second fire without haste. Reloading and a new firing sequence are included in this time. The demonstrations show four battalions could fire a five-volley sequence in less than a minute with full expectation that the first unit could reload and be ready to fire when ordered.
31. While distance (90 feet, or 36 paces) and time (20 to less than 18 seconds) decrease, military reloading is measured at the pace of the slowest, not the fastest, rifleman.
32. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
33. Collins, Autobiography, 57.
34. Richard Griffin, pension, 28 Nov. 1832, M804, Roll 1132.
35. Gordon, Independence of the United States of America, 4:34; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380; Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257; MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton’s History, 97–98; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507.
36. John R. Shaw, Narrative, 55.
37. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380, is the earliest account describing withdrawal around the left flank. Johnson formalized the myth of South Carolina militia moving across the field from right to left. Those continuing the “rout tradition” include James Graham, Life of General Daniel Morgan, 300–301; Schenck, North Carolina, 214–15; McCrady, South Carolina in the Revolution, 1780–1783, 45–46; Higginbotham, Daniel Morgan, 137; Rankin, North Carolina Continentals, 271; Treacy, Prelude to Yorktown, 102–3; Roberts, Cowpens, 89–90; Lumpkin, From Savannah to Yorktown, 129; Fleming, Cowpens, 67; Black, War for America, 210; and Morrill, Southern Campaigns, 130.
Authors earlier than, or contemporary with, Johnson did not claim a militia retreat around the left flank. They include Gordon, Independence of the United States of America; M’Call, History of Georgia; John Marshall, Life of George Washington, 305–6, 507; Mills, Statistics of South Carolina, 270; Moultrie, Memoirs of the American Revolution; Ramsay, History of the Revolution in South Carolina, 233.
38. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; Seymour, Journal of the Southern Expedition, 13. Both Anderson and Seymour were with the Delaware company in the center of the main line. They saw the retreating militia immediately to their front, a good indicator that there was no underbrush.
39. The traditional account is patently erroneous. Tarleton, no friend of South Carolina militiamen, reported nothing of the sort, and American participants confirm Tarleton’s observations.
40. Hammond, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Joseph Johnson, Traditions and Reminiscences, 528; John R. Shaw, Narrative, 55; Stewart, Highlanders of Scotland, 2:71. Morgan initially placed his Virginia companies en échelon to the rear center rather than moving them backward during the battle or leaving them in place to be disrupted by fleeing militia. The openings might be what Robert Long meant by his cryptic comment that the “Virginians broke before we reached them.” Long, “Statement of Robert Long,” 6.
41. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507.
42. Pindell, “A Militant Surgeon of the Revolution,” 309–23.
43. John R. Shaw, Narrative, 55.
44. Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:152–55; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 216.
45. Jeremiah Dial, pension, 15 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 808; Charles Holland, pension, 10 Oct. 1832, M804, Roll 1308. At no other time were Hammond’s men closely engaged with sword-carrying British.
46. Collins, Autobiography, 57; Long, “Statement of Robert Long,” 6; MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton’s History, 98.
47. James Kelly, pension, 28 Apr. 1835, M804, Roll 1466; Joshua Palmer, 9 Oct. 1820, supporting statement in John Whelchel, pension, 9 Oct. 1823, M804, Roll 2547; see also Whelchel’s supplementary statement.
48. Brandon, “Account,” in Draper, King’s Mountain, 285–86; Joseph Hughes, pension, 20 Sept. 1832, M804, Roll 1360; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507.
49. Draper, King’s Mountain, 326, 469; Moss, Patriots at the Cowpens, 213.
50. James Carlisle, pension, 28 Oct. 1835, M804, Roll 470; Adam J. Files, pension, 3 Feb. 1834, M804, Roll 973; Jeremiah Files, pension, 4 Feb. 1833, M804, Roll 973.
51. Brandon, “Account,” in Draper, King’s Mountain, 285–86; Long, “Statement of Robert Long,” 6; Pindell, “Militant Surgeon of the Revolution,” 317–18.
52. Brandon, “Account,” in Draper, King’s Mountain, 286; Henry Connelly, pension, 1 Aug. 1833, M804, Roll 627; Collins, Autobiography, 57.
53. Collins, Autobiography, 57; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380.
CHAPTER SEVEN
1. Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 255–56; John R. Shaw, Narrative, 54.
2. William Bivins, pension, 22 Sept. 1834, M804, Roll 249.
3. Henry Wells, pension, 29 Jan. 1834, M804, Roll 2529.
4. Stedman, American War, 321.
5. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; Stedman, American War, 321–22; Young, “Memoir,” 84–88, 100–102.
6. M’Call, History of Georgia, 507. The men who fired first were Hammond’s skirmishers on the far-left flank, the small Burke County, N.C., company, and James Gilmore’s “Rockbridge Rifles.”
7. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380; John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370.
8. Once the Virginians moved forward, the main line temporarily took the shape of “a kind of pincer” described by an unknown Virginia rifleman. Chastellux, Travels in North America, 2:399. A similar formation is described by J. B. O’Neall in his “Revolutionary Incidents,” 38: “The whole militia command, when overpowered, were directed to form on the right and left of the regulars. This formation could not be in line, but must have been at right angles with the regulars . . . the regulars in the centre, the militia the right and left wings thrown forward, on the right and left of the road, and making the exact form of the letter E, which, from infancy, has always been represented to the writer as the form of Morgan’s line of battle.” O’Neall pointed out that the “ground between the heads of ‘Suck Creek,’ is not more than sufficient for the formation of Howard’s regulars.” Both accounts describe the line after the Virginians closed up and Hammond and McDowell placed their skirmishers forward of the flanks.
9. Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:154; Richard Swearingen, pension, 13 Nov. 1832, M804, Roll 2329.
10. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380; Morgan to Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:152–55.
11. Young, “Memoir,” 100.
12. Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 216. The difference in sound between musket and rifle is readily apparent. The higher-pitched crack of a rifle is due to the smaller ball being patched. The patch acts as a gas seal, giving the ball a higher veloc
ity. Musket balls travel slower and are not sealed in the barrel.
13. MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton’s History, 98; Seymour, Journal of the Southern Expedition, 15; Stedman, American War, 321–22.
14. Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257; Jeremiah Preston, pension, 20 Dec. 1843, M8o4, Roll 1972; Andrew Rock, pension, 14 Nov. 1850, M804, Roll 2069; Henry Wells, pension, 29 Jan. 1834, M804, Roll 2529.
15. Preston, pension, 1843.
16. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380. Seventeen shots in 30 minutes is about a shot every 2 minutes. This is very slow, even for a rifle. If Preston fired 14 shots in the firefight, one in the volley after the withdrawal and two in the counterattack and mopping up, the remaining 14 shots could be fired in less than 10 minutes. With no shots in the counterattack, 16 shots were possible in a 10-minute firefight. Time/space/march rates for the British advance, 71st advance, and main-line retreat confirm a short fight. Morgan’s aide told an American officer that “the enemy came up to this line[;] they received such severe and well directed fires for 15 minutes.” Samuel Shaw, “Revolutionary War Letters to Captain Winthrop Sargent,” 321. Even this may be too long. Preston’s ammunition expenditure is one shot a minute, if Shaw meant only the firefight.
17. Benjamin Martin, pension, 25 Mar. 1833, M804, Roll 1637; George Rogers, pension, 24 Sept. 1832, M804, Roll 2074; see supplementary statement; John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370.
18. William McCoy, pension, 7 Oct. 1832, M804, Roll 1672.
19. Heavy losses fighting the militia shortened the British line, alleviating constriction on the right flank caused by marshy ground. Reducing the front by closing intervals between men east of the road allowed space for the 17th Light Dragoons to charge without going over wet ground. More space was available to maneuver on the British left as they advanced. Casualties in the right Maryland Continental company and Buchanan’s militia company suggest the 7th Regiment did not extend past the Continental center.
20. Peterson, Continental Soldier, 60–61.
21. “Return of the Men Killed and Wounded in Capt. Kirkwood’s Company at the Cowpens, 17th Jan’ry 1781,” in Delaware, Delaware Archives 1:254.
22. In the British manual, the command “fire” was preceded by “present,” when muskets were supposed to be leveled. Americans were told to “aim.” The difference may reflect basic assumptions about musketry skills, weapons accuracy, or a fundamental approach to inflicting casualties versus the shock effect of a massed volley. Peterkin, Exercise of Arms, 17, 77.
23. Gordon, Independence of the United States of America, 4:34; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217; Young, “Memoir,” 100. The quote is Tarleton’s. Howard took pride in noting, “When my regiment fell back at the battle of the Cowpens . . . it was not occasioned by the fire of the enemy.” John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
24. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:380; Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217. The quote is from Tarleton.
25. Seymour, Journal of the Southern Expedition, 13.
26. Clark, Loyalists in the Southern Campaign, 2:227–28; Gordon, Independence of the United States of America, 4:34; E. Alfred Jones, Journal of Alexander Chesney, 22; MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton’s History, 98, 109; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217.
27. E. Alfred Jones, Journal of Alexander Chesney, 22. If Chesney meant that only part of the 71st (“a detachment”) broke McDowell’s men, it is likely that the Highlanders advanced with one company on line and the remainder in column, trotting up the slope. This formation is very useful for providing a battle line to obliquely flank the Americans. A greater distance between lines when the volley was fired allows more time for the Americans to withdraw en échelon to their new positions.
28. Stewart, Highlanders of Scotland, 2:71.
29. MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarleton s History, 98.
30. Connelly’s state troops and Burke County men on the third-line flanks did not report sword injuries.
31. Joseph James, pension, 17 Nov. 1836, M804, Roll 1405; James Patterson, pension, 7 June 1832, M804, Roll 1887.
32. John Fields, pension, 25 Mar. 1850, M804, Roll 971; William Meade, pension, 26 Dec. 1833, M804, Roll 1703.
33. John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Lee, American Revolution in the South, 98. “We were ordered to take no prisoners, except a few Continentals.” The Pennsylvania Packets, Saturday, 17 Feb. 1781. “Giving no quarter” meant that any attempts by their opponents to surrender would be disregarded by the Highlanders.
34. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804; Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:152–55. The quotes are in the following order: Howard, Anderson, and Morgan. Howard’s numbers are not correct because he had five, 60-man Continental companies, Triplett more than 150 Virginians, and Edmund Tate another 100 or more Virginians.
35. Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217. The quotes are by Tarleton and Lee, respectively.
36. John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Lee, American Revolution in the South, 97; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:300–301; Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257.
37. M’Call, History of Georgia, 507.
38. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
39. Riling, Regulations, 12, 29–30.
40. Young, “Memoir,” 100.
41. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
42. Abraham Hamman, pension, 13 Nov. 1832, M804, Roll 1174.
43. Either Morgan or Howard placed Oldham under arrest during the battle. Ibid.
44. John Brownlee, pension, 29 May 1818, M804, Roll 383; William Warren, pension, 19 Nov. 1832, M804, Roll 2499.
45. A 1757 manual for Scottish Highlanders emphasized taking aim: “as you Present, clap your Head to your Piece, and Right-eye along the barrel; make sure of your Aim, for one Shot well pointed is worth a Dozen thrown away. This is my Reason of making Present a single Word of Command, by not crowding it amongst the other Motions, the Soldier has Time to point well at his Enemy.” Grant, New Highland Military Discipline, 17.
46. Thomas Crowell, pension, 8 June 1833, M804, Roll 703; James Braden, pension, 1 July 1839, supplementary statement, M804, Roll 314.
47. Hill, “Killiecrankie,” 126–28. Hill does not discuss the period after 1746, but the highland charge best explains the 71st action. Instead of throwing down muskets and wielding swords, at Cowpens the Scots went in with the bayonet, showing a change in weapons technology and tactics since 1746.
48. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers; John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Lee, American Revolution in the South, 97; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:300–301.
49. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
50. Seymour, Journal of the Southern Expedition, 13–14; John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370.
51. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:381. Von Steuben explains firing and retrograde movements. See Riling, Regulations, 64–66.
52. John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Lee, American Revolution in the South, 97; William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:381; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507–8.
53. John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Lee, American Revolution in the South, 97; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507–8.
54. Henry Lee, Memoirs of the War, 257.
55. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:381.
56. Anderson, “Journal,” 209; Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:152–55; John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370.
57.
Stedman, American War, 322; Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217.
58. Tarleton, Campaigns of 1780–81, 217.
59. Anderson, “Journal,” 209.
60. MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarletons History, 99–100; M’Call, History of Georgia, 507–8.
61. George Smith, Universal Military Dictionary, 224. The highland charge had a devastating effect even on well-trained men due to its physical and psychological impacts. See Hill, “Killiecrankie,” 131, 133.
62. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:381; MacKenzie, Strictures on Lt. Col. Tarletons History, çç-100; Stedman, American War, 322.
63. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers.
64. Harvey, Manual Exercise, 13; Pickering, Easy Plan of Discipline, 41; Riling, Regulations, 13; George Smith, Universal Military Dictionary, 198.
65. Harvey, Manual Exercise, 13; Pickering, Easy Plan of Discipline, 41; Riling, Regulations, 13, 56–57; George Smith, Universal Military Dictionary, 198.
66. Firing was by platoon, company, or divisions (two companies). If they fired and withdrew by platoon, the timeframe is twice as long as for company withdrawal. If they withdrew by division, the timeframe is half as much. It is most likely that the Maryland and Delaware Continentals fired and withdrew by company, although they could have done so by division.
67. This distance is well within the traditional range for firing before initiating the charge. Hill, “Killiecrankie,” 133.
68. John Thomas, pension, 9 Aug. 1832, M804, Roll 2370.
69. William Johnson, Sketches of Nathanael Greene, 1:381–82; Peterkin, Exercise of Arms, 79, 98, 124, 135, 168.
70. Riling, Regulations, 66.
71. John Eager Howard to John Marshall, 1804, Bayard Papers; John Eager Howard, “Account of the Battle of Cowpens,” in Robert E. Let, American Revolution in the South, 97–98; Daniel Morgan to Nathanael Greene, 19 Jan. 1781, Showman, Greene Papers, 7:152–55. The quotes are in order.
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