The German Peace

by Derek Pennington

  It was Molotov who replied. “We have heard with great interest what you have said. We respect and accept much of this, and realise that it was the previous Nazi regime that had evil intentions towards the Soviet Union”. No mention of the Soviet purges, of course! Or Soviet evil intention towards Germany, Poland, and the rest of the world!

  “Comrade Stalin would like to know if you have any specific proposals that could further enhance the good relations that exist between our two countries?”

  ‘It was you that asked for this summit, not us’, thought von Brauchitsch. ‘You have something on your devious collective communist minds. Why not spit it out’.

  Despite these thoughts he replied diplomatically. “After the Great War, the victorious powers imposed arms limitations on Germany, and among themselves. This followed a rather naïve initiative by the Americans to reduce national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national security. Much later, it was realised that there was perhaps nothing altruistic about the United States drive for arms limitations. They had their own agenda.

  In any case, nothing was accomplished.

  There is no doubt that the cost of defence is a huge burden on any country, no matter how prosperous. The concept of an arms limitation agreement is attractive for that reason alone. Perhaps it is something the Soviet Union has considered?”

  He wanted the bloody obtuse Russians to know that the Germans knew that is what they were looking for from this summit meeting.

  Again it was Molotov who acted as spokesman. “Perhaps such an idea could be examined. I think a problem could be verification of any agreed limitations. Especially if two countries distrust each other.” He smiled. It was a heavy Soviet attempt at humour.

  The Germans honoured him with some genuine chuckles. Perhaps this was the ice breaker?

  For the next hour the two sides fenced verbally, neither wanted to appear to be a supplicant, even though both understood it was the Soviet Union that had engineered this summit for this very purpose.

  Finally enough had been said. Molotov graciously thanked the Germans for meeting with them. The summit meeting had been extremely useful. There was much to think about and they would communicate further in the near future.

  On behalf of the Germans, von Altendorf said much the same. The summit was over.

  The Germans had agreed not to talk business under any circumstances inside their living quarters in case the Turks had cheekily planted any listening devices. It was considered relatively safe to talk in the gardens surrounding the palace, but they should restrict any whispered conversation to the bare necessities and nothing important. They would only relax and talk freely when they were on their Starflight airliner in the morning, on the way back to Berlin.

  The night was not warm but the air inside was stale, and the blasted ceiling fan had stopped working. Von Brauchitsch found it impossible to sleep. He had tossed and turned for an hour before giving up. He wanted some fresh air. Without switching on the bedroom light, he got out of bed, put on his dressing gown, and went outside into the cold air of the garden. He was dutifully followed by one his paratrooper guards.

  Von brauchitsch was a non-smoker. Now, sitting on one the benches on this still and clear night, looking up at the myriad stars above him, he thought that perhaps he understood why people such as Winston Churchill found a cigar so relaxing. It was all so peaceful!

  He was lost in thought, replaying today’s meeting in his mind. He couldn’t help feeling that he was missing something. Von Altendorf also had similar thoughts. Before the meeting had finished earlier, the Foreign Minister had passed a slip of paper to him on which he had written ‘What else are they after?’

  His guard silently approached him. He whispered close to von Brauchitsch’s ear that one of the other German guards had intercepted two Russians near the German sleeping quarters. One of them claimed to be Comrade Khrushchev’s interpreter, and wished to have a private word with the Chancellor. The man was very nervous and constantly stressed the need for absolute silence and secrecy. They had both been searched and nothing dangerous had been found on them.

  Von Brauchitsch, perplexed and apprehensive, agreed to see them, but kept the two guards close.

  He was astonished when the stocky peasant figure of Khrushchev appeared in front of him, followed by his clearly agitated translator. He did not hesitate and immediately ordered the two guards to retire a short distant. The Russian obviously had something very important to say, and whatever it was, he had a feeling that only he should hear it.

  The three of them had a hurried whispered conversation that lasted exactly seven minutes. Khrushchev handed over a paper. The Russians were very anxious to be gone before their absence was detected. They left an utterly astounded von Brauchitsch behind. Here was the missing link! He and von Altendorf had been right! There had been something else! Now he knew what it was!

  It was such an explosive issue he would keep it to himself until they were on the flight home.

  He slept badly that night.

  LATER THE NEXT MORNING

  They boarded the Luftwaffe Flightstar at 0900. Earlier, von Brauchitsch had casually invited von Altendorf to sit next him for the flight home. This would enable him to hold a private conversation with him, with little fear of being overheard by the other passengers.

  The flight lifted off into a clear blue sky from Istanbul airport at nine twenty. Only then did von Brauchitsch find he could relax a little, and feel able to talk freely.

  Von Altendorf had sensed that his friend and colleague had something on his mind. He had seemed more than a little distracted at breakfast. He now asked, “Walther, you have something troubling you?”

  Von Brauchitsch looked at him with a slight frown. “I do indeed, Werner.” He made himself more comfortable in his seat before carrying on. “We both thought that the Russians had some hidden agenda for this summit meeting. I now know what it is.”

  The Foreign Minister looked at him quizzically.

  “Late last night I had an unexpected visitor. None other than Comrade Khrushchev.”

  The surprise was evident on von Altendorf’s face. He waited for the rest of the story.

  “We could only speak for a few minutes as he was extremely nervous about his absence being discovered by the rest of the Soviet delegation. He also handed me a one page letter, signed by himself, containing some secret information about Soviet weapons. This was to prove his sincerity. As you know, his life would not be worth a carrot if such a document came to Stalin’s knowledge.”

  Within twenty four hours of Stalin deciding Khrushchev was an ‘enemy of the people’, Khruschev would have received a bullet in the back of his brain. His family would have suffered also. The Germans knew the huge risk the Russian had taken.

  Von Brauchitsch continued. “Khrushchev is deeply concerned about the state of Stalin’s mental health. Often for no apparent reason, Stalin will declare an official within the Soviet government as ‘an enemy of the people’. In other words, someone who has fallen foul of the dictator, for real or imagined reasons. Such people then simply ‘disappear’. Khrushchev and other senior Soviet people, believe the same thing could happen to them at any time. I think that perhaps Molotov, at least, is another of those feeling imminently threatened.”

  Von Altendorf nodded. This explained certain things he had noticed over the past two days.

  Von Brauchitsch then gave von Altendorf another jolt. “He is planning a coup.”

  Despite his wish to appear to be having a normal conversation in front of their other colleagues, von Altendorf head jerked around in surprise. This was serious news! He quickly composed himself. He decided nobody had noticed. “Very, very interesting,” was all he said.

  “Yes, and very serious. He wants us, and the European Alliance to help him. Not with military intervention or anything clumsy like that. I think he is personally convinced that the Germany of today will not contemplate military adventurism in any form. His plan is
much more subtle.

  It appears that the Commander-in-Chief of the Soviet Armed Forces, Marshall Zhukov, will play a part in the coup, but more of a supporting role than an active one. It will be his job to position certain regiments in Moscow to ensure an orderly transfer of power in the event that Stalin is overthrown. Or dies.

  However, Zhukov is also one of those who are viewed with suspicion by the paranoid Stalin. The Marshall needs a sound reason to move his soldiers into Moscow, otherwise Stalin will immediately suspect the worst, denounce him, and make him disappear.

  Khruschev wants us and the Alliance to provide him with that reason.”

  He sipped the lukewarm coffee the Luftwaffe stewardess brought each of them.

  “As you know, the Soviets are extremely sensitive to foreign troop movements close to their border. They almost always regard these as a potential prelude to an attack. If Poland were to hold military exercises close to their border with Soviet occupied Poland, Zhukov would have a perfect excuse to reinforce the Red Army in Eastern Poland. Under normal circumstances, such an event would then alert ourselves and Germany would also take precautionary measures by beefing up our own forces on our Russian border. We would also find it necessary to sound an initial alert to the European Alliance.

  This is exactly what the coup plotters want. Once the tension escalates a little, Marshall Zhukov’s precautionary reinforcement of his troops in Moscow would, in Stalin’s view, seem entirely reasonable.

  This is, of course, assuming Stalin is in one of his more lucid moments, and he is not having a conversation with God, or Rasputin, or someone from Mars,” he added facetiously.

  “Once Zhukov’s troops are in Moscow, Comrade Khrushchev and his supporters would then do whatever they are planning to do, with Stalin. Exactly what that is was not disclosed to me.

  Once that part is over with, Zhukov, as a good and loyal soldier of the Soviet Union, will then declare his loyalty to whatever government is seen to be in charge in Moscow.

  Thereafter the border tension will de-escalate as rapidly as it grew, with the reason that ‘it was, after all, only Poland exercising its right to hold military excercises in their own country.’

  We will then have a Soviet Union without the monster Stalin.” He waited for von Altendorf’s reaction.

  The Foreign Minister took a few minutes to mull over what he had heard before he replied.

  “It certainly sounds like a feasible plan. It’s like a giant game of chess! There are risks, of course, and I always worry about the law of unintended consequences. Also, I have to ask, are we not better off with devil we know, rather than an unknown quantity such as Khrushchev and co? Personally I have no doubt that Khruschev would be a much more moderate and enlightened ruler than Stalin. But it is still something that should be considered.

  Also, if we are to take this risk, we need something concrete from the Soviets as a quid pro quo for our co-operation.”

  “Exactly,” von Brauchitsch answered. “Khruschev proposed that following the successful outcome of the ‘game’, there would be a Soviet withdrawal from Eastern Poland. Furthermore, he is prepared to immediately enter into arms limitation talks with us, the Alliance, China and Japan. He doesn’t mind the Americans also being involved as long as they don’t try and take the moral high ground, and they leave their naïve liberal equality thinking at home.

  His aim is to free up money normally spent on defence, and spend it on infrastructure and social improvement.

  He also seeks closer friendship and increased trade on a preferential basis with Germany. He hinted that ideological change in Russia was not out of the question, given time. Who knows, Werner, a future non-communist Soviet Union might even apply to join the Alliance!” This last sentence was spoken with a great smile.

  He carried on.

  “I mentioned earlier, a paper he gave me last night. Being a true Russian, he obviously thought that anyone would view his proposal as some sort of subterfuge or trick. That is how a Russian would look at such things. He was desperate to prove his bona fides. The paper he gave me, disclosed the true production numbers of Russian aircraft and tanks over the past two years. And it is far higher than we thought. The same document gave the locations of the secret factories in Siberia where these additional munitions are manufactured. With this information our own intelligence services should be able to uncover something.”

  They both reverted to silence while they thought through the ramifications of what had been proposed to them.

  Von Altendorf stared up at the aircraft ceiling. His mind a whirl of conflicting thoughts and emotions. While he was filled with trepidation about Germany committing itself to such a potentially dangerous course of action, he also saw the tremendous opportunity it presented.

  Before their flight finally landed in Berlin they had both agreed on the way forward.

  The first priority was to discuss the matter openly at tomorrow’s scheduled meeting of the Governing Council. No secretaries taking minutes would be allowed to attend, and all present would be reminded of the dire need for absolute secrecy. For now and for many years to come.

  If the Council agreed to proceed, it would be recommended to them that the management of the operation be delegated to the Chancellor, the Foreign Minister, and the Defence Minister. This would be a practical measure for ease of operation.

  Again, assuming that this was acceptable, the three person operations team would then need to have a highly confidential discussion with Field Marshall Rommel. As Supreme Commander of the European Alliance, he would have to be made aware of the ploy. They were confident Rommel would play his part.

  As expected, most of the Governing Council were initially nervous about ‘operation nothing’ as it was named. Beck and Speer, however, were positive and had no hesitation in giving their immediate and enthusiastic support for the idea. The remaining Ministers dutifully also eventually gave their support, but with not quite the same enthusiasm as the others. It was still a unanimous decision.

  Later, at different meeting, Field Marshall Rommel had assessed the project instantly. He grasped the pitfalls and the probability of failure or success. He was all for it. The Alliance would play its part.

  Now came the delicate part. Persuading the Poles to do their bidding, and hoping that the Polish leadership could keep their collective mouths shut! This was the biggest single worry for von Brauchitsch, and they debated for some hours on how to approach it.

  Before any further action was to be initiated, von Brauchitsch had made an arrangement with Khrushchev that the Russian would signal all was ready on his part, by personally unveiling a monument to Soviet workers in the small town of Dubno, eastern Poland. If he was not ready, he would not attend the ceremony.

  DANZIG

  Von Brauchitsch, von Altendorf, and von Mannstein had arrived in the city early the previous day. Ostensibly they were there for a familiarisation and goodwill visit. While they were there, General Sikorski, the Polish Prime Minister, would also visit the city in response to an invitation from Baron von Altendorf. They were due to have lunch together that day.

  In an earlier telephone conversation with General Beck back in Berlin, von Brauchitsch had just heard that Nikita Khruschev had been positively identified and photographed, unveiling a Soviet monument in Dubno that morning.

  The Polish Prime Minister had been pleasantly surprised when, at the very last minute, von Altendorf asked if he would mind if the German Chancellor and the Defence Minister also joined them for lunch. Sikorski had come to regard the German Foreign Minister as a good friend since their first meeting seven years earlier. The meeting that had led to Poland becoming independent again, less the part occupied by the accursed Russians!

  He had met von Brauchitsch and von Mannstein several times since then, at various state occasions. They had both earned his respect. The Polish hatred of Germans had all but disappeared by 1947. Sikorski looked forward to the lunch.

  The meal was in one o
f the rooms in the Danzig Municipal Building, which had also doubled as the de facto German Consulate in the first few years after Danzig’s incorporation into the German State in 1940. The intelligence service had thoroughly checked it for foreign listening devices. A unit of German paratroopers provided security. Sikorski also had his own loyal guards with him, and von Brauchitsch had specifically instructed his own men to respect, and indeed, to go out of their way to be friendly towards, the Poles. The Germans had greatly wronged this nation in 1939.

  For the first half hour, their discussions centred on general Polish/German matters of co-operation, current affairs, and the European Alliance. Then, at a discrete nod from von Brauchitsch, von Altendorf decided it was time to change the subject. He hoped that what he was about to hear, would not spoil the Polish General’s lunch!