Lajja

by Taslima Nasrin

  As Suronjon wandered the lanes and by-lanes of old Dhaka, he saw that the undamaged Hindu shops were closed. What was the guarantee that they could safely open their doors? However, they had opened again after the trouble in 1990 and so would perhaps open again after the trouble in 1992. Maybe the Hindus were thick-skinned like rhinos and that was the reason why they could keep rebuilding damaged homes and broken shops. Ravaged homes and shops could perhaps be put together with bricks and mortar. But was it possible to make their broken minds and hearts whole again?

  In 1990, the Potuatuli Brahmo Samaj, the Sridhor Bigroho Mandir, the old monastery in Noya Bazar and the snake temple in Kayettuli had been damaged, plundered and set on fire. The famous M. Bhattacharya and Co. in Potuatuli, Hotel Raj, Dhakeshwari Jewellers, Evergreen Jewellers, New Ghosh Jewellers, Alpona Jewellers, Kashmiri Biriani House, Ruposree Jewellers, Manoshi Jewellers, Mitali Jewellers, Soma Store in Shakhari Bazar, Ananya Laundry, Krishna Hair Dresser, Tyre Tube Repairing, Saha Canteen, the floating Hotel Ujala at Sodorghat, as well as Panthonibas were robbed, ravaged and burnt. The Municipality Sweeper Colony in Noya Bazar was ransacked and burnt. The slum of the sweepers near the Dhaka District Court was also set on fire. The Horisobha Mandir of Chunkutia Purbopara in Keraniganj, the Kali temple, the temple in Mirbag, the Gosham Bazar Akhara, the Durga temple of Subhadhya Gosaibag, the temple in Chondranikara, the Kali temple in Poschimpara, the cremation grounds, the Ramkanai temple in Pubnodi in Teghoria, the Durga temple in Borishur Bazar in Kalindi, the Kali temple and the Monosa temple had all been pillaged and the images of gods broken. There were fifty houses in Shubhadhya that were set on fire including the house of Robi Misra, the son of Parrymohon Misra. Many houses, including the houses of Bhobotosh Ghosh and Poritosh Ghosh of Teghoria, those in the Hindu settlement of Mandail in Kalindi and 300 in Rishipara of Bongaon were ravaged and burnt. Suronjon had seen some of this and heard of the rest.

  He was finding it hard to decide where to go. Who were his people in this city of Dhaka? Who should he go to for some company, just to pass the time of day? Even though she had said that she would not, Maya had ended up giving him a hundred takas. He had kept the money in his pocket and did not really want to spend it. Once or twice he had thought of buying a packet of cigarettes—Bangla Five—but then if he bought it he would have no money left. He had never been particularly attached to money but this was money that Maya had given him. Sudhamoy used to give Suronjon money to get shirts and trousers made but he would end up spending that money on friends. Someone may have wanted to run away and get married but had no money—Suronjon would give him money to get married. He once gave the money he had for his exam fees to a young man called Rahmat. The young man’s mother was in hospital and they did not have enough money to buy medicine. Suronjon did not delay even for a moment and simply handed over the money he had for his fees.

  Should he go to Rotna? Rotna Mitra. Could it not be that he would not change Rotna’s surname after marriage? Why do women change their surnames with marriage? Before they are married they hang on to their father’s tail and after marriage it is their husband’s tail. Nonsense! Suronjon wanted to erase the Datta surname from his name. People were being destroyed by differences of religion and community. Bengalis ought to have Bengali names, irrespective of whether they were Hindu or Muslim. He had often felt that Nilanjona Maya would have been the best name for Maya. And he? What should he have been called? Maybe Nibir Suronjon? Or Suronjonsudha? Nikhil Suronjon? A name like that would have ensured that he would not have been tainted by the stigma of religion. He had seen that Bengali Muslims had this proclivity for Arabic names. Even very progressive young men who waxed eloquent about Bengali culture chose names like Faisal Rahman, Touhidul Islam or Faiaz Choudhury for their children. Why? Why would a Bengali person have an Arabic name? Suronjon would like to name his daughter Srotoshwini Bhalobasha which meant River of Love, or Othoi Neelima, that is, Endless Blue. Of course, Othoi Neelima matched Nilanjona Maya. Well, he would reserve the name Othoi Neelima for Maya’s daughter.

  Suronjon kept walking. He walked aimlessly and yet, before he had left home, he had thought that he had so much to do. But these days, every time he left his house, he felt that he had nowhere to go. He felt that everyone was busy with their work and only he had nothing to do and nothing to be busy with. He just wanted to sit down and talk with someone in this terror-struck city. Should he go to Dulal’s house in Bongshal? Or to Mohadeb da’s house in Ajimpur? He could also go to Kajol Debnath’s house in Ispahani Colony. How come he was coming up with only Hindu names as he was trying to decide where to go? Belal had visited him yesterday. He could also think of going to Belal’s. Hyder had come the other day and not found him—he could go to Hyder’s to pass the time. Of course, there would be the same flurry of conversation in all their houses—Babri Masjid. They would talk about what was going on in India, how many people had died, what the BJP leaders said, which were the cities that had deployed the army, who had been arrested, how many political groups were banned, what would happen in the future and so on. He no longer liked listening to such stuff. The BJP there and the Jamaat here—they were the same. Both the groups wanted the same thing. They wanted to establish religious fundamentalism. If only the politics of religion could be forbidden in both the countries! It seemed like the hungry, meek, oppressed people of the third world could not be free of the unmoving rock of religion. He murmured Marx’s words to himself, words that he held dear: ‘Religious suffering is, at one and the same time, the expression of real suffering and a protest against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions. It is the opium of the people.’

  Suronjon walked around Wari, Nobabpur, Noya Bazar, Tanti Bazar, Court area, Rojoni Boshak lane, Gendaria and Begum Bazar and, finally, when it was past afternoon, he ended up at Kajol’s house. He was at home because all Hindus remained at home these days. Hindus were either hiding away from home or sitting holed up at home.

  ‘Good for the unemployed Suronjon who has nothing better to do except wander around and chat with his friends,’ Suronjon thought to himself when he found Kajol home.

  There were some others there as well—Subhash Sinha, Taposh Pal, Dilip Dey, Nirmol Chatterjee, Onjon Majumdar, Jotin Chakrabarty, Saidur Rahman and Kobir Choudhury.

  ‘What’s up? Quite a gathering of Hindus, isn’t it?’

  No one laughed at what Suronjon said. He was the only one who laughed.

  ‘What’s the matter? Why are you so sad? Is it because Hindus are being killed?’ asked Suronjon.

  ‘Is there any reason why we should feel good?’ asked Subhash.

  Kajol Debnath was active in the Forum for the Unity of Hindus, Buddhists and Christians. Suronjon had never supported this forum. He had always thought that such a forum was a communal group and if one supported such a group the demand for doing away with religion-based politics would lose its steam. As far as this was concerned, Kajol always said that he had spent forty years waiting in hope but had finally been disillusioned and had brought together the forum for self-defence and self-help.

  ‘Has Khaleda admitted even once that there are communal attacks in the country? She hasn’t even been to see the places that have been devastated,’ said someone.

  ‘What is the Awami League doing?’ retorted Kajol. ‘They have made a statement. The Jamaat-e-Islami too had made a similar statement earlier. After the Awami League won the last election and was in power, there was a rumour that they would do away with “Bismillah” from the Constitution. Since they aren’t in power now they feel that they will lose popularity if they speak against the Eighth Amendment. Does the Awami League want to win elections or stay true to its policies? If they want to stay true then why aren’t they saying anything against this Bill?’

  ‘They’re thinking that they need to come to power so that they can make the changes needed,’ Saidu
r Rahman reasoned for the Awami League.

  ‘You can’t trust anyone. Everyone will come to power and sing songs of Islam and oppose India. People in this country eagerly swallow Islam and opposition to India,’ said Kajol, shaking his head.

  ‘Tell me, Kajol da,’ said Suronjon, sidestepping the discussion that was going on and returning to his earlier concern, ‘wouldn’t it have been better if you hadn’t made this communal group but had created a forum of non-communal people? Also, may I ask why Saidur Rahman isn’t a part of your group?’

  ‘Not being able to include Saidur Rahman isn’t our failure,’ said Jotin Chakrabarty in a heavy voice. ‘It is the failure of those people who have come up with a state religion. We had not created such a forum earlier but why have we done so now? Bangladesh was not created out of nothing. Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and Muslims had all contributed to the creation of Bangladesh. But if a particular religion is declared the state religion then you create a sense of separation. No one loves their own country any less than another. However, when people see that because they are not Muslims, and because the state views their paternal religion to be a second- or third-class religion, and they become second- or third-class citizens because of their religious affiliation, then their anger and disappointment is terrible. And so, if a communal consciousness develops amongst them instead of a nationalist feeling, can we blame them?’

  ‘But what is the logic of having such a sectarian organization in a modern state?’ asked Suronjon in a low tone because the explanation had been aimed at him.

  ‘But who is compelling those belonging to minority religions to form such sectarian organizations? They are the same people who are the proponents of the idea of a state religion, aren’t they? If the religion of a particular community is made the state religion then that state no longer remains a nationalist state. If a state has a state religion, then it may become a religious state at any time. This state is becoming a communal state and it is laughable to talk about communal harmony here. The Eighth Amendment is cocking a snook at Bengalis and the minorities have figured this out because they are bearing the brunt of it.’

  ‘Do you think that Muslims will gain if Islam is the state religion or if we have a religious state? I don’t think so.’

  ‘Certainly not. They will come to understand that finally, even if they don’t do so now.’

  ‘The Awami League could have played a good role in these times,’ said Onjon.

  ‘Yes, but the Awami League Bill too does not propose doing away with the Eighth Amendment,’ said Suronjon. ‘Every modern, democratic person knows that it is a given that a democracy must be impartial to religion. I can’t understand why Islam must be made the state religion in a country where 86 per cent of the population is Muslim. The Muslims of Bangladesh are religious anyway, they don’t need a state religion.’

  ‘One cannot compromise one’s principles,’ said Jotin babu, quite forcefully. ‘The Awami League is trying to counter the misinformation campaign against it by somewhat compromising its principles.’

  ‘Actually, instead of criticizing the Jamaatis and the BNP, we are going after the Awami League,’ said Subhash, who had been listening quietly all this time. ‘Are they doing any better than the Awami League?’

  ‘See, there is nothing to say about our enemies,’ said Kajol, interrupting him. ‘However, it hurts badly when we find that the people we are banking on have moved away from their ideals.’

  ‘Everyone is talking about impartiality towards religion. Impartiality means that one will take a similar view towards all religions; there is no question of favouring one over another. And secularism means “of this world”, or to put it simply, there will be no relationship between religion and the state.’

  ‘During Partition, Islamic fundamentalism won and gave birth to Pakistan,’ said an agitated Kajol Debnath. ‘However, Hindu fundamentalism lost in India. And because it lost, India has managed to be a modern, democratic and secular state. For the sake of Indian Muslims, the Hindus of this country were declared enemies as an excuse to chase the Hindus out. The idea is to grab the properties of the Hindus. And why shouldn’t the Hindus feel scared when the idea of an Islamist arrangement is brought up, reminiscent of Pakistani times? It is impossible for Hindus to survive in this country unless it becomes a secular state. One of our demands is that the Enemy Property Act has to go. There are no Hindus in the administration. From Pakistani times, there have been no Hindus at the level of secretary. There are very few Hindus in the army and the ones who are there don’t get promoted. I also don’t think there are any Hindus in the navy or the air force.’

  ‘Kajol da, there are no brigadiers or major generals amongst the Hindus,’ said Nirmol. ‘Out of seventy colonels, one is a Hindu; eight out of four hundred and fifty lieutenant colonels are Hindu; forty majors out of a thousand; eight captains out of thirteen hundred; three second lieutenants out of nine hundred; five hundred Hindu soldiers out of a total of eighty thousand. Out of forty thousand people in the Bangaldesh Rifles only three hundred are Hindus. And why are you only saying that there are no Hindu secretaries? There aren’t any Buddhist or Christian secretaries either! There are also no additional secretaries. There is one Hindu joint secretary out of a total of four hundred and thirty-four joint secretaries.’

  ‘Is there anyone in the Foreign Service from any of the minorities?’ said Kajol. ‘I don’t think there’s anyone.’

  ‘No, Kajol da, none,’ said Subhash, as he got up from the mora he was sitting on.

  Suronjon was sitting on the carpeted floor, leaning against a cushion. He was rather enjoying himself, listening to the discussion.

  ‘If we look at Pakistani times and continue till the present, we find that under the Awami League, Monoronjon Dhar was in Japan for some time as the ambassador from Bangladesh.’

  ‘Hindus are usually overlooked for opportunities for higher education or training. Hindus no longer control any profitable businesses. If you want to start a business and don’t have a Muslim partner, you can’t be sure that a Hindu organization will get a licence. And of course, the industrial loan organization does not give loans to such businesses.’

  ‘Yes, I wore out my shoes trying to set up a garments business,’ said Onjon. ‘I didn’t get any help from the banks. I got a loan once I had a partnership with Afsar.’

  ‘Have you noticed that programmes on radio and television begin with readings from the Koran? The Koran is always referred to as a holy book. However, when there are readings from the Gita or the Tripitakas those books are never described as holy.’

  ‘Actually, no religious book is holy,’ said Suronjon. ‘All this is just mischief. We should get rid of religious texts. We can demand that there should be no proselytizing on radio or TV.’

  The group went a bit quiet. Suronjon would have loved a cup of tea but it did not seem like anyone in that house was going to make any. He felt like stretching out on the carpet. He wanted to lie down and savour the pain that everyone present was regurgitating.

  ‘Verses from the Koran are read at all government functions and meetings. Why are there no readings from the Gita? All through the year there are only two holidays for Hindu government officials and workers. They really don’t have much opportunity for taking leave at will. Every institution announces plans of building mosques but there are never any plans for temples. Every year tens of million takas are spent on building new mosques or on the renovation of old mosques, but is there any spending on temples, churches or pagodas?’

  ‘Will you be happy if there are readings from the Gita on radio and TV?’ asked Suronjon, raising his head from his prone position. ‘Will people benefit greatly if temples are built? The twenty-first century is nearly here and we still want religion to be present in society and the state. Please ask for the spheres of state, society and education to be free of religion. We have to stop religious functions and religi
ous worship in schools, colleges and universities. Textbooks should no longer carry biographies of religious leaders. Political leaders should be forbidden from supporting any religious activities. If any political leader participates in any religious programme or patronizes any such activity, that leader must be expelled from the party. No government media of communication should be used for proselytizing. Application forms should not ask for the religious affiliation of the applicant.’

  ‘You have moved far ahead in your thinking,’ said Kajol Debnath, laughing in response to Suronjon’s remarks. ‘Your proposals may work in a secular country but not here, in this country.

  ‘We, the Bangladesh Forum for the Unity of Students and Youth, had a meeting today, in front of the Press Club. We have submitted a petition to the home minister asking for the rebuilding of damaged temples, compensation for damaged homes, compensation and rehabilitation of the destitute, punishment for the guilty and an end to the politics of communalism.’

  ‘This government will not accept even one of your demands,’ said Suronjon, getting up. He had been lying on the floor all this while, resting his head on a cushion.

  ‘And why should they?’ said Kobir Choudhury. ‘The home minister is a traitor, a razakar. All of us know that in 1971 this man used to stand on the Kachpur Bridge and guard Pakistani camps.’

  ‘It is the razakars who are in power now,’ said Saidur Rahman. ‘Sheikh Mujib forgave them. Ziaur Rahman brought them to power. Ershad made them even more powerful. And of course, Khaleda Zia came to power with the direct support of the razakars.’