At about 7:30 p.m., Kearny grew concerned about his far right, near the Charles City Road. Feeling comfortable that his left and center would hold, Kearny rode to his flank and saw that only the “weak Third Michigan” was in reserve. However, he soon noticed the “cheerful manner and solid look” of Birney’s brigade. Warning them of the threat, “they met my warning of the coming storm with loud cheers of exultation.” Kearny spent thirty or forty minutes on this excursion, returning to the far left of his line. He found that Colonel Francis Barlow’s 239-man regiment of the 61st New York volunteers had come up. Barlow was from Caldwell’s brigade of Sumner’s division. Barlow’s men had become separated from the brigade as they marched toward the sound of the guns. Arriving on the field, Barlow was directed by General Robinson to form his men on the border of a large field and behind a fence. Ordered to advance into the field, they fixed bayonets, climbed over the fence and advanced into the open field. His men soon picked up a Confederate flag that had the inscriptions “Seven Pines and Fair Oaks” on it. They continued to push across the field to the wood line, where they opened fire that was “vigorously returned.” Barlow’s men soon approached the woods on the other side of the field.151
Between the gathering darkness and the smoke, sight was becoming difficult. Making out a group of men on the other side of the field, Confederates asked what regiment Barlow’s troops belonged to. When they responded “61st New York,” the reply was, “Throw down your arms, or you are all dead men.” The New Yorkers opened fire. Caldwell sent the 81st Pennsylvania Volunteers in to relieve the New Yorkers, but both regiments continued firing until they had exhausted their ammunition. Concerned that the enemy was about to strike his left flank, Barlow moved the two regiments to a parapet on the right of the field. Temporarily withdrawn by Caldwell, Barlow’s group was later ordered to occupy the parapet by Kearny. It would spend the night there.152
Phil Kearny. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.
Heintzelman received a call for aid from Kearny and sent the New Jersey Brigade from Slocum’s division, Kearny’s old command, plus a battery of guns. Because of Huger’s inaction, men could be pulled from Slocum’s front. Riding along, Kearny soon saw that McCall’s division had “abandoned” its position, and he sent the 1st New Jersey Brigade under the “true hands” of Brigadier General George Taylor to fill the gap. Legend has it that Kearny unwittingly rode into a group of Confederates. In the smoke and confusion, an officer rode up to Kearny and asked, “My men are in position sir, what shall I do?” Kearny responded, “Do as I have always directed you to do in such a situation, you fool!” and then turned and quickly rode away. Under severe pressure, Kearny’s line had held, but at a great cost.153
Chapter 12
THE FINAL ACTIONS
Night was now approaching. Longstreet still hoped that Huger and Jackson would appear and sent orders for Magruder to march back up from the New Market Road area. The weight of Magruder’s command might have tipped the scales in favor of the Confederates at this moment, but instead, it was wasted by marching and countermarching all day. Meanwhile, it was the Federals who were sending in fresh troops, heading for the location of Cooper’s and Randol’s guns. On the Confederate left, Featherston was in danger of being flanked by the influx of Northern reinforcements. More importantly, these units threatened Longstreet’s entire line. With his men exhausted and the opportunity for the real victory slipping away, Longstreet could wait no longer and ordered A.P. Hill to send in his remaining brigades. Charles Field’s Virginians were the first to go in, moving through the spent troops of Jenkins and Wilcox. Dorsey Pender and James Archer would follow, and Joseph Reid Anderson’s brigade was to be held in reserve.154
Field, in response to orders to enter the action “as soon as possible,” had his column advance at the double-quick and then move into attacking formation up both sides of the Long Bridge Road, with the 55th and 60th Virginia on the right side and the 47th Virginia, along with the 2nd Virginia Battalion, on the left. The 40th Virginia had become separated from the others by the terrain, so it was farther to the left, heading toward Francis Barlow’s attack. Field had learned that the guns to his front had been taken and retaken in a seesaw battle. About three hundred yards ahead, he saw Cooper’s and Randol’s batteries, each of which had changed hands several times during the afternoon and which were currently held by the Federals, who could not pull them out owing to the loss of so many horses.155
“Hill’s Attacks.” Map by Hal Jespersen.
As soon as Field’s men were close enough, they attacked. Field said, “The charge was impetuously made, and was an instance where bayonets were really crossed.” His reserved tone does not do justice to the terror of a bayonet fight. As the Confederates approached, the Northern artillerymen fired as fast as they could, blasting great holes in the attackers’ lines. Defenders fought with clubbed muskets, bayonets and even ramrods in a desperate attempt to hold the guns. Field’s men gathered themselves, and in a rush, his men captured Randol’s battery. One of the defenders desperately pulled the lanyard of one of the guns but fired over the heads of Field’s Virginians. As the Federals abandoned the guns, the 47th turned one of the guns on them, which aided Gregg, currently fighting on the left flank. The Federals had to pull out, abandoning Randol’s guns one final time. The Confederates had finally captured them for good.156
Although separated from the rest of the brigade, the 40th Virginia had a fight of its own. A large body of Federal troops approached the men. Driving them back, Sergeant Vincent Branson exclaimed, “Now Colonel, let’s give them the bayonet!” He was immediately hit by a Yankee bullet and fell. From sheer exhaustion, the men dropped where they were.157
Men of the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves fired at Field’s brigade as the Confederates advanced, but attackers continued forward deliberately. The desperate fight of bayonets and clubbed muskets continued. The scene was terrible, made up of desperate, individual attempts at survival. Wounded men lay all over the ground, often being trampled by other soldiers. Lifeless men began to pile up. Dead horses were everywhere. Private Benjamin Early of the 7th Pennsylvania Reserves saved Colonel Henry Bolinger’s life by ramming his bayonet into a Confederate soldier just below his armpit. Unable to stem the Confederate tide, the 7th pulled back, joining up with several other regiments in the rear. The Confederates finally had to stop. Colonel Robert Mayo, commander of the 47th Virginia, said that he had a force of a about three hundred men. He pulled up to wait for reinforcements as darkness approached.158
On Field’s right, the 55th and 60th Virginia advanced at the double-quick toward Cooper’s battery. The 55th, under Colonel Francis Mallory, was to the right; the 60th was to its left. As the 55th advanced and could see over the hill, it saw Cooper’s abandoned guns “the brigade which had taken it had disappeared and the enemy had advanced to within a few yards of the battery.” Mallory’s men pulled up, fired several volleys and then charged, driving the enemy back into the woods. Fearing being flanked, they fell back to the edge of the woods and remained.159
Like the 55th, the 60th marched over the brow of the hill and then fired several volleys into the defenders. Led by Colonel William E. Starke, they charged, drove the Federals back into the woods and followed them for “a considerable distance.” The defenders “poured a heavy fire into our line, upon which the command was given to charge bayonets.” The fighting was desperate, as it was in so many places this day. Private Robert A. Christian, called the “Father of the Regiment” because he had enlisted at almost sixty years of age, had displayed admirable “energy” and “patriotism” and was thought of highly by the men of the regiment. Christian was attacked “by no less than four of the enemy. He killed three of his assailants with his own hands while being wounded by several bayonet thrusts.” His brother Eli rushed to his aid and killed the fourth attacker. Due to wounds and illness, commands of companies were falling to lieutenants. One of them, I.H. Larew of Company E, earned his colonel’s praise b
y seizing his company’s colors and carrying them boldly in front of his regiment until the enemy was driven off. Starke’s men continued to drive the defenders further but soon had to halt, as “it being then quite dark.”160
William Dorsey Pender’s brigade advanced down the Long Bridge Road, with Field quite some distance ahead and on his left. He ran into some Federal troops who were between him and Field, charging from right to left at the double-quick, and who apparently did not see Pender. They were about seventy-five yards in front when Pender’s men promptly attacked and scattered them, driving into the woods. In front of the Confederates was an abandoned battery, and Federal troops were on the right. These made several efforts at Pender’s force. He was able to repel them and drive into the woods, but the Federals were able to pull the guns out. With darkness approaching, low on ammunition and hearing from the prisoners they had taken that there was a strong enemy force ahead, Pender pulled back and held some of the ground his men had taken. James Archer advanced on his right flank, providing much-needed support.161
The Pennsylvania Reserves had received the most vicious parts of the Confederate attack. After three days of battle during the past five days, they were badly mauled. All of the brigade commanders were out of action. Simmons was killed, and Meade had been wounded. Seymour had wandered off, ostensibly searching for help. Successive waves of Confederate attacks had decimated them, regiment by regiment. The remains of the division attempted to re-form in the rear as a sort of brigade. It was dark, and the men were exhausted; not much more could be done that day. Many of the men of the reserves had fought as bravely as anyone during the actions of the past week. Around 10:00 p.m., Seymour returned and took over leadership, and at about 11:00 p.m., they received orders to pull out in the direction of Malvern Hill.162
Abandoned Union batteries by Henry Clow. Courtesy of the County of Henrico, Virginia Historic Preservation and Museum Services.
Darkness was settling in, and Hill was concerned about the arrival of more Federal reinforcements. Two brigades from Richardson’s division of the Second Corps and one from Slocum’s division of the Sixth Corps were arriving to back up Kearny. Hill had but one brigade remaining in reserve, that of Joseph Reid Anderson. Anderson was the owner of the Tredegar Iron Works in Richmond, the Confederacy’s most important industrial plant. A West Point graduate, he had been assigned a brigade in Hill’s Light Division. After the battle, he and Lee would agree that he would be of greatest service back at the factory, keeping the Confederacy’s war machine running. On this day, however, he was Hill’s last chance.163
Anderson received orders from Hill to advance. He moved forward, the Long Bridge Road dividing his force. The 3rd Louisiana Battalion and the 14th Georgia were to the left. Across the road, to their right, were the 35th, 45th and 49th Georgia. Lieutenant Colonel Pendleton of the 3rd Louisiana was ordered to lead the left wing, and Anderson would command the right. At this moment, President Davis arrived on the scene, galloping the entire length of the line, and was “vociferously cheered by the men.” It was now sunset. Hill ordered the left wing to advance first, and he then instructed Anderson to take the right wing forward. Hill warned that a brigade of Confederates was to their front. In the twilight, Anderson instructed that no muskets were to be fired until they recognized who was in front of them. Justifiably, he was concerned that they might open fire on friends. They marched about half a mile, with “the sound and flash of the musketry indicating the enemy’s position on the left of the road.” Anderson shifted his men to the left into a position that was roughly in front of the enemy. By the time he completed this movement, night had fallen.164
Soon Anderson’s wing came upon a force “which seemed to be a brigade or division” approaching and was convinced that they were the enemy. At a distance of fifty to seventy-five yards, the approaching men yelled, “For God’s sake, don’t fire on us; we are friends.” Not wanting to fire but trying to determine if they were friend or foe, Anderson ordered his men to a bayonet charge at the double-quick. “All doubt should have been removed by the command of ‘fire’ on the part of the enemy.” The left wing, particularly the 45th Georgia, took the brunt of the fire. He ordered his men to lie down and keep up a steady fire. This they did, until the Federals pulled back. Among the casualties was Colonel Thomas Hardeman of the 45th and Anderson himself, who was hit in the head by a spent ball. Command fell to Colonel Edward L. Thomas.165
“The Final Attacks.” Map by Hal Jespersen.
In the darkness, the firing became confined to the right of what remained of McCall’s position and “was becoming slack and interrupted.” Lieutenant Colonel William Thompson rode up to McCall and said that he had pulled together about five hundred men, with whom he was then advancing. McCall rode up the road with him, trying to connect with Kearny. He took three men and rode forward to reconnoiter the situation. After riding about one hundred yards, he ran directly into the 47th Virginia. In the darkness, he had not seen them, as they were positioned under some trees. One of the men inquired who the men in the trees were, and Colonel Mayo of the 47th yelled at the top of his voice, “Friends!” Someone on the left called out, “47th Virginia!,” and two of the riders attempted to sprint away. McCall turned to escape, but a soldier, Brooke Rollins, grabbed his horse’s rein and said, “Not so fast.” McCall and a courier were immediately taken prisoner. The general was taken to Longstreet, and General Lee happened to be present. Longstreet had served with McCall in the old 4th Infantry and offered his hand as McCall dismounted. Longstreet remembered, “I saw that he did not regard the occasion as one for renewing old friendship, and I merely offered him some of my staff as an escort to Richmond.”166
As night fell, the furious sound of battle gradually faded. Attempts to continue the action in the dark were futile; friend could not be discerned from foe. Under the cover of darkness, the Federal army pulled out, continuing its retreat toward the James. Moving down Willis Church Road, it gathered itself behind the strong position established by Fitz John Porter and the artillery of Henry Hunt.
After the violent and terrible day, all that was left were the screams and moans of the wounded and the silence of the dead. The “wailing of the wounded blended into one blood-chilling cry of pain.” One of the last to leave the field, Joseph Hooker recalled the scene: “From the torches we could see that the enemy was busy all night long in searching for his wounded, but up to daylight the following morning there had been no apparent diminution in the heart-rending cries and groans of his wounded. The unbroken, mournful wail of human suffering was all that we heard from Glendale during that long, dismal night.”167
Chapter 13
AFTERMATH
Willis Church was quite old when the armies arrived. The Methodists had received the land in 1803 and built the wooden church shortly thereafter. Intended to be a peaceful place of reflection and worship, instead it was to become the center of horror after the battle. Dr. H.G. Taylor of the 8th New Jersey said that they “immediately commenced to remove all the pews, in order to make room for the accommodation of the wounded.” As the wounded “poured in upon us,” the building soon was full. Many had to be moved outside. The medical staff gave both sides equal attention. “By dark…we had over 200 wounded at the church and although there were 18 surgeons, it was nearly 2 o’clock before we lay down.” Dr. Benjamin Roher of the 10th Pennsylvania Reserves remembered, “The shells fell all about us while in the church, yet we all escaped.” He said, “Arms & legs were piled up…in one corner of the church, terrible to behold.”168
A soldier of the 7th New York remembered that night: “The few hours I spent here are the most disagreeable and despair of my life. Think of half starved men, the few clothes we wear, soaked with persperation, grime and powdersmoke, and yet so cold that our teeth were chattering, burning thirsts and dry throats and toungs. A kingdom for a piece of bread and a drink of water!”169
As the day ended, more and more animals were added to the rolls of the dead. Ro
bert Knox Sneden said, “A large number of lame and wounded horses and mules were to be killed to prevent them falling into the enemy’s hands. I followed and soon saw the poor animals slaughtered by lance and pistol.” He estimated that there were about 230 killed in this manner.170
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