Moscow, December 25, 1991

by Conor O'Clery

  Off the library is a small wood-paneled study with a desk of Karelian birch on which sit several white telephones and one red telephone beneath a transparent cover—the hotline for national emergencies, which the cleaners are instructed never to touch. Raisa has learned of late to dread these telephones ringing out, “like a gunshot, destroying the peace of the night,” bringing “shouts of despair, entreaties, suffering and, sometimes, death.”[13]

  Petite and attractive at fifty-nine, Raisa too is showing the strain of this period of political upheaval. It has, as she puts it, tested her spirit, her mind, and her will and brought her incurable heartache and sleepless nights. Her health has been poor since she collapsed with a stroke during the attempted coup against Gorbachev in August. The stroke affected her power of speech and the movement in her right arm. The wrinkles on her once porcelain complexion reveal the torment of watching her husband shrink in stature day by day.

  To Raisa, Mikhail Gorbachev is a man of destiny. Indeed many superstitious people have interpreted the distinctive birthmark on his head as an omen. But Mikhail and Raisa themselves believe they were once given a sign that he is special. When they were in their twenties, both had the same dream. They were in a deep, black well from which they were trying to get out, and they kept falling back. Finally they succeeded in escaping, and they saw in front of them a wide road and a huge bright sun. Raisa told her husband then, addressing him by his pet name, “Misha, you are destined for greatness.”[14]

  Gorbachev has come to see himself as the embodiment of providence. He talks about his mission, of being chosen to carry out perestroika—a task that began as reconstruction of society and has come to mean for him the historic revival of Russia. He sees his forced abdication as the outcome of an epic struggle between good and evil, loyalty and treachery, hope and disillusion, generosity and vengefulness. To him this day of his downfall is a black page in history.

  While in his study, the Soviet president has an opportunity to cast his eyes, for the umpteenth time, over his much-annotated resignation speech. It will be one of the most important pronouncements of his career. It will define him and his legacy and put down a marker for the future of the country. He has little influence over that now, of course. He is being forced to transfer power into the hands of incompetent, irresponsible people, ambitious and ruthless political adventurers, who he is firmly convinced are sacrificing the Soviet Union for the sake of their ardent desire to take over the Kremlin and push him out. Less than two weeks ago Gorbachev was telling George Bush on the telephone how confident he was that the Soviet Union would survive. At the time he had reason to believe that he would continue as president and would be residing indefinitely in the state dacha here in Razdory, on the banks of the Moscow River. The successor to Lenin has done everything to keep the Union in existence since it started falling apart after the August coup four months ago and the republics one after another began declaring their intention to break away. He has made himself hoarse trying to convince republic leaders, visiting statesmen, journalists, and anyone else who would listen that the country should not be split up, that it was absurd, that it would lead to famine, civil war, blood.

  The demise of the superpower he inherited finally became inevitable the previous Saturday, when all the republics ganged up to reject even a weakened central authority. Only on Monday morning, just two days ago, did he decide—he had little choice—that he would announce his resignation this evening. It was only on Monday afternoon that he established the terms for a peaceful transition with his hated rival. This was a painful experience. And he is not even being accorded the dignity of a solemn farewell ceremony.

  At least he does not face the prospect of exile or death, the fate of two other recently deposed communist leaders in Europe, Erich Honecker of East Germany and Nicolae Ceauşescu of Romania. But he knows there are people only too eager to discredit him to justify what they are doing.

  Under the transition agreement the couple understand they have three days to leave the presidential dacha, their home for six years, after which they must give the keys to the new ruler of Russia. They will leave behind many memories of entertaining world leaders around the dining table and talking long into the night about reshaping the world. There is much to do now of a more mundane nature. They have to sort through books, pictures, and documents, and pack away clothes and private things to move to a new home. They have a similar task to perform at their city apartment on Moscow’s Lenin Hills, which also belongs to the state.

  When Gorbachev moved his family here, they expected it would be for life. The dacha, called officially Barvikha-4, was the ultimate symbol of success for the top Soviet bureaucrat. They have occupied smaller government dachas during Gorbachev’s ascent to the pinnacle of Soviet power. As state-owned residences they were quite impersonal, and Raisa disliked that they were “always on the move, always lodgers.” But this was to be their final stop. This dacha was different. It was their creation. The yellow three-story complex was modeled in Second Empire style under Gorbachev’s personal supervision after he became general secretary of the Communist Party in 1985. In those days the party leader had emperor-like powers of command, and it was built in six months by a special corps of the Soviet army, earning the generals a few Medals of Labor. This had been Raisa’s first real home. “My home is not simply my castle,” she once said. “It is my world, my galaxy.”

  Known by the security people as the wolfichantze (wolfs lair), the presidential dacha is serviced by a staff of several cooks, maids, drivers, and bodyguards, all of whom have their quarters on the lower floor or in outbuildings. It has several living rooms with enormous fireplaces, a vast dining room, a conference room, a clinic staffed with medical personnel, spacious bathrooms on each floor, a cinema, and a swimming pool. Everywhere there is marble paneling, parquet floors, woven Uzbek carpets, and crystal chandeliers. Outside large gardens and a helicopter landing area have been carved out of the 164 acres of woodland. The surrounding area is noted for its pristine air, wooded hills, and views over the wide, curving Moscow River.

  For more than half a century Soviet leaders have occupied elegant homes along the western reaches of the river. This area has been the favored retreat of the Moscow elite since the seventeenth century, when Tsar Alexey Mikhailovich expressly forbade the construction of any production facilities. Stalin lived in a two-story mansion on a high bank in Kuntsevo, closer to the city. Known as Blizhnyaya Dacha (“nearby dacha”), it was hidden in a twelve-acre wood with a double-perimeter fence and at one time was protected by eight camouflaged 30-millimeter antiaircraft guns and a special unit of three hundred interior ministry troops. At Gorbachev’s dacha there is a military command post, facilities for the nuclear button and its operators, and a special garage containing an escape vehicle with a base as strong as a military tank.

  Every previous Soviet leader but one left their dachas surrounded by wreaths of flowers. Stalin passed away in his country house while continuing to exercise his powers, and those who followed him—Leonid Brezhnev, Yury Andropov, and Konstantin Chernenko—all expired while still in charge of the communist superpower. Only Stalin’s immediate successor, Nikita Khrushchev, a reformer like Gorbachev, had his political career brought to a sudden end when he was ousted from power in 1964 for, as Pravda put it, “decisions and actions divorced from reality.”

  Today Gorbachev will suffer the same fate as Khrushchev. He will depart from the dacha as president of the Soviet Union. When he returns in the evening, he will be Gospodin (“Mister”) Gorbachev, a pensioner, age sixty—ten years younger than Khrushchev was when he was kicked out.

  At around 9:30 a.m. Gorbachev takes his leave of Zakharka, as he fondly calls Raisa (he once saw a painting by the nineteenth-century artist Venetsianov of a woman of that name who bore a resemblance to Raisa). He goes down the wooden stairs, past the pictures hanging on the staircase walls, among them a multicolored owl drawn in childish hand, sent to Raisa as a memento by a young admi
rer. At the bottom of the stairs was, until recently, a little dollhouse with a toboggan next to it, a reminder of plans for New Year’s festivities with the grandchildren, eleven-year-old Kseniya and four-year-old Nastya; the family will now have to celebrate elsewhere. He spends a minute at the cloakroom on the right of the large hallway to change his slippers for outdoor shoes, then dons a fine rust-colored scarf, grey overcoat, and fur hat, and leaves through the double glass doors, carrying his resignation speech in a thin, soft leather document case.

  Outside in the bright morning light his driver holds open the front passenger door of his official stretch limousine, a Zil-41047, one of a fleet built for party and state use only. Gorbachev climbs into the leather seat beside him. He always sits in the front.

  Two colonels in plainclothes emerge from their temporary ground-floor lodgings with the little suitcase that accompanies the president everywhere. They climb into a black Volga sedan to follow the Zil into Moscow. It will be their last ride with this particular custodian of the chemodanchik, the case holding the communications equipment to launch a nuclear strike.

  With a swish of tires, the bullet-proof limousine—in reality an armored vehicle finished off as a luxury sedan—moves around the curving drive and out through a gate in the high, green wooden fence, where a policeman gives a salute, and onto Rublyovo-Uspenskoye Highway. The heavy automobile proceeds for the first five miles under an arch of overhanging snow-clad fir trees with police cars in front and behind flashing their blue lights. It ponderously negotiates the frequent bends that were installed to prevent potential assassins from taking aim at Soviet officials on their way to and from the Kremlin. Recently some of the state mansions have been sold to foreigners by cash-strapped government departments, and many of the once-ubiquitous police posts have disappeared.

  The convoy speeds up as it comes to Kutuzovsky Prospekt. It races for five miles along the center lane reserved for official cavalcades, zooms past enormous, solid Stalin-era apartment blocks, and hurtles underneath Moscow’s Triumphal Arch and across the Moscow River into the heart of the Russian capital. The elongated black car hardly slackens speed as it cruises along New Arbat, its pensive occupant unseen behind the darkened windows.

  The seventh and last Soviet leader plans to explain on television this evening that he dismantled the totalitarian regime and brought them freedom, glasnost, political pluralism, democracy, and an end to the Cold War. For doing so, he is praised and admired throughout the world.

  But here in Russia he is the subject of harsh criticism for his failure to improve the lot of the citizens. Few of the bleary-eyed shoppers slipping and sliding on the dirty, compacted snow outside food stores will shed tears at his departure from office. They judge him through the prism of empty shop windows.

  Gorbachev knows that. He has even repeated to foreign dignitaries a popular anecdote against himself, about a man in a long line for vodka who leaves in frustration, telling everyone he is going to the Kremlin to shoot Gorbachev, only to return later complaining, “There’s a longer line there.”

  Self-criticism, however, is not a prominent part of his psychological repertoire. Gorbachev has in fact made many mistakes, but he will concede this only grudgingly, as he looks back in his resignation speech on his service to the people.

  Boris Nikolayevich Yeltsin almost always starts his day around two o’clock in the morning.[15] The president of the Russian Federation suffers from acute insomnia. He doesn’t like sleeping pills and finds they do not help him sleep anyway. He habitually gets out of bed a couple of hours after retiring in the late evening. Tall and awkward with small blue eyes set in a rough peasant face and a full head of silver hair, the sixty-year-old former construction engineer paces around the room on these occasions in his thin Japanese hotel robe, nursing his headache and stomach pains and drinking a little tea, before returning to bed an hour later. It is worse if he is afflicted by one of his periodic attacks of gout, which cause excruciating pain in his big toe.

  Looking back at this time in his life Yeltsin will later recall “enervating bouts of depression, agonizing reflections late at night, insomnia and headaches, despair at the grimy and impoverished look of Moscow and other cities… the criticisms in the media, the badgering in the Russian parliament, the weight of decisions.” He is constantly dissatisfied with his work, “and that is a frightful thing.” His mind is never at rest, and he becomes more open with himself in the small hours than in the office during daylight, “when all his buttons are buttoned.” He finds that at two in the morning “you recall all sorts of things and mull over matters that are not always so pleasant.”[16]

  This December morning he has many matters to contemplate, some pleasant, some less so. Today he will emerge triumphant from his long and nasty feud with Mikhail Gorbachev. He acknowledges to himself that the motivations for many of his actions are embedded in his bitter conflict with the Soviet president. Just recently his assistant Valentina Lantseva pleaded with him to stop the love-hate relationship with the man in the Kremlin. He retorted, “Stop teaching me how to live!” Never again will he have to negotiate with Gorbachev, endure his windy lectures, put up with his criticisms, take lashings from his profane tongue. Gorbachev, the charming and sophisticated world statesman, can turn the air blue with his profanity. Yeltsin, the hard-drinking, backwoods Siberian, regarded as a buf foon in many international circles, never uses swear words and intensely dislikes those who do.

  Today he must disport himself on global television as a statesman and show that the world has nothing to fear from him—and, indeed, owes him esteem. Before the day is out, he will have his hands on the nuclear suitcase now in Gorbachev’s possession, and the world will know that his are a safe pair of hands. He will appear presidential, magisterial, and generous to the man he is casting into the political wilderness.

  He will also have to deal in the next few hours with a number of crises in his own ranks that threaten the stability of his government and his radical plans for a newly independent Russia.

  Usually Yeltsin manages to snatch a few more hours’ sleep before rising, dressing in T-shirt and shorts, and breakfasting in the kitchen on thin oatmeal porridge and tea followed by eggs, onions, and tomatoes fried in butter. His wife, Naina, and thirty-year-old daughter, Tanya, prepare the meal. They have no servants in the state apartment they occupy on the fourth floor of a nine-story block at 54 Second Tverskaya-Yamskaya Street in north central Moscow, overlooking the abandoned monastery of the Transformation of the Savior in a busy district near Belarus Station. At its center is a spacious sitting room with silver-and gray-striped wallpaper and floor-to-ceiling bookshelves weighed down with sets of blue-, brown-, and green-bound volumes of Russian classics, including Yeltsin’s favorites: Chekhov, Pushkin, and “village writer” Sergey Yesenin, whose poetry no self-respecting Russian family would be without. The room has a large rubber plant and is decorated with landscapes from the Urals and a muchadmired oil painting of wild daisies. There are piles of audiotapes of Yeltsin’s favorite singer, Anna German. He likes the Polish artist so much that when he listens to her performing her popular number, “Once a Year Orchards Blossom,” his normally stern face assumes a lyrical expression.

  The apartment also has a roomy hallway, two large bedrooms with separate bathrooms, a tiny guest bedroom, a sizeable kitchen with balcony, and a small office crammed with files from Yeltsin’s time as Moscow party chief and with room only for an armchair and desk. A small heap of copies of his autobiography, Notes of a President, published the previous year in English as Against the Grain, sits on the floor.

  The residence was allocated to Yeltsin when he came to Moscow from Sverdlovsk six years ago as a rising member of the nomenklatura, the subset of top communist cadres who ran the country until recently. Yeltsin and Naina share the space with Tanya, her second husband, Leonid Dyachenko, and eleven-year-old grandson, Boris, who sleeps on the living room sofa when there is a guest staying. Yeltsin is proud of little Borka becau
se he is a real scrapper and a leader among his classmates.

  The furniture is solid and durable, made in Sverdlovsk—or Yekaterinburg, as it is now called, since the prerevolutionary name was restored three months ago. Yeltsin boasts that it is “much better quality, and sturdier too, than Moscow-made junk.” Nonetheless, Naina, or Naya as he calls her, has been known to give a cushion to visitors so they do not rip their clothes on the spring poking out through a hole in the sofa, and one of the kitchen stools has a nail protruding. They have three phones. The one for incoming calls is working again—it was turned off after the Yeltsins lost their phone bills in the confusion of the coup in August.

  Alexander Korzhakov, Yeltsin’s beefy security chief and drinking partner, constantly worries that Tverskaya Street is not a secure location for the president. “It is easy to shoot at the entrance, easy to block his car, and easy for neighbors to see everything through the windows if the curtains are not drawn.” Tanya was once assaulted by a man who watched her dial the security code in the main door, then followed her inside, and “jumped at her.”[17] Like Gorbachev, the Russian leader also has a state dacha, Arkhangelskoye-2, off the Rublyovo-Uspenskoye Highway, on the banks of the Moscow River some twenty miles outside Moscow. But he prefers to reside in the city apartment during the week, despite the limited space and the noisy polluted streets outside, and the family only goes to the dacha on weekends.

  Yeltsin, too, is preparing to move. He and his family will take possession of the presidential dacha when the Gorbachevs move out, and give up their smaller country home, which belongs to the Russian Federation. He has decided that the Soviet leader’s mansion should become the future residence of the Russian president. Not being on good social terms, Yeltsin has never been invited to the Gorbachevs’ city apartment on Lenin Hills, a choice suburb next to Moscow University (since renamed Sparrow Hills), and he does not know whether he will appropriate it as well until he makes an inspection and decides whether he would prefer it to the one he has now.