Beirut, Beirut

by Sonallah Ibrahim

  The incomplete frame of the Burj el-Murr skyscraper. Missiles are launched from its thirty-fourth floor and fall on the hotel district where Phalangist gunmen are dug in.

  The front of the 27-story Holiday Inn. Hotel workers drape white sheets out of the second-floor windows. The hotel’s interior lobby. Expensive chandeliers hang from the ceiling. A crowd of young Palestinian gunmen are gathered in front of the camera in a souvenir photograph. In their left hands are Kalashnikovs. With their right hands, they are making the “V” sign for “Victory”.

  The main headline of a Lebanese newspaper, in red. The headline takes up most of the top half of the front page: “Holiday Inn falls into the hands of Lebanese National Movement forces.”

  The façade of the hotel again. On the sidewalk in front of it is a naked, swollen corpse. There are remnants of underwear on his waist. The same shot in a newspaper photo. Beneath the image are these words: “Phalangist Holiday Inn sniper. He fell like this from the 22nd floor.”

  A fire blazes in the St George Hotel. In front of the hotel is a tank; the word “Allah” can be seen next to its artillery-gun. Behind it is an armored car carrying a photo of Gamal Abdel Nasser above the words “Arab Socialist Union”.

  A gunman carries the Phalangist flag and stands behind a Dushka heavy machinegun. He throws down the flag and runs, abandoning the gun.

  A newspaper headline: “Lebanese National Movement forces control the Hilton and Normandie Hotel enclosure, and drive the Phalangists back toward Martyrs’ Square.”

  A newspaper headline: “Jumblatt says no ceasefire is forthcoming from the National Movement.”

  A circle around a paragraph from Syria’s al-Baath newspaper: “The gravest issue is that the game may extend to some nationalist forces such that they become party to consolidating the de facto division of Lebanon, while the conspiracy reverts to having a group from the nationalist side get into a scheme to divide and isolate the country, while greedily pursuing merely short-term gains.”

  A headline in a Lebanese newspaper: “Arafat works to close the gap in the viewpoints of Jumblatt and Damascus.”

  A headline in another newspaper: “Jumblatt meets with Assad for nine hours.”

  A headline in a third newspaper: “Frangieh flees to Jounieh.”

  A headline in a fourth newspaper: “Jumblatt announces: ‘The other side is in a state of collapse.’”

  Mount Lebanon. The latest and heaviest weapons amid piles of snow and ice. The beautiful summer retreat of Aley with its winding roads and one-story modern houses. Fighting takes place from one street to the next.

  Tripoli. Fires blaze in the city.

  Sidon. A burning car blocks the approach to the city.

  The southern border. Massed crowds of Israeli troops.

  A newspaper headline: “Nationalist forces are victorious.”

  The newspaper of the Lebanese Baath Party, loyal to Syria: “Jumblatt is wrecking the Syrian initiative in favor of the American plan.”

  A headline in another newspaper: “The American envoy, Brown, who was present at the massacre of Palestinians in Jordan in 1970, declares his country’s support for the Syrian initiative.”

  The Washington Post. Brown to the newspaper’s correspondent in Beirut: “Jumblatt told me that the only solution to the Lebanese problem is to slaughter 12,000 Maronites.”

  A press conference with Jumblatt following a meeting of the progressive and nationalist parties:

  Jumblatt: There is no inclination for a ceasefire, in spite of Syrian pressure.

  Journalist: Do you intend to continue fighting if the Palestinians agree to a ceasefire?

  Jumblatt: We are a Lebanese movement with independent goals. Because we have aspirations to replace the constitution and change the political system . . . so that a true democratic system can take its place, one that removes the political categorization of citizens on the basis of religion and sect, and that has a separation between church and state . . . But it seems that Arab regimes fear the establishment of a secular democratic state in the Middle East, because there is no Arab political regime, with the exception of Tunisia, that is founded on the principle of secularism . . . We are not demanding a socialist state or nationalization . . . We are demanding that the political system be changed, a system in which the Lebanese elite can no longer fully dominate . . . We will not end the fighting until the president of the republic resigns.”

  Kamal Jumblatt suddenly leaves the press conference, right after a phone call, and takes his car to Arafat’s headquarters. Jumblatt joins a meeting with Arafat (“Abu Ammar”), Nayef al-Hawatmeh, the Mufti Hasan Khalid, Abu Iyad, Inaam Raad and Bashir Ubayd.

  A headline in al-Safeer: ‘‘After a meeting that went on for two and a half hours, Jumblatt says: ‘We went over the situation with Arafat and the extent of the pressure that weighs on the Palestinians. We regret that the Palestinian resistance is subject to any pressure on the level of supplies and weapons from any country.’ ’’

  Title card:

  The next day . . .

  Newspaper headlines: “Arafat welcomes the ceasefire.” “The Lebanese National Movement agrees to a 10-day truce during which the members of parliament can meet to elect a new president.”

  Hamra Street near the Byblos Bank. A crowd of people and cars. Different goods on display on the sidewalks. Two young women and a girl sit on the ground beside the marble wall of a jewelry shop. The two girls hold out their hands to passersby.

  Washington. King Hussein climbs the White House steps. He pauses to make a statement to the reporters: “I support any likely Syrian involvement in Lebanon in order to counter attempts by extremists to change the ruling structure for their benefit.”

  An American newspaper: ‘‘Kissinger characterizes Syria’s political role as ‘a check on the recalcitrance of the most extreme Lebanese elements’.”

  An American newspaper, dated April 14: “Kissinger announces that the United States and Israel are in agreement that Syria’s involvement does not threaten Israel.”

  The Damascus University amphitheater. President Hafez al-Assad delivers a speech: ‘‘We possess complete freedom of movement and we are able to take up positions as we see fit, without anyone being able to prevent us.’’ (Sustained, enthusiastic applause.) ‘‘We are opposed to those who insist on continuing the fight . . . I have been told: ‘We want to settle it militarily.’ I replied, ‘If you want an omelet, you’re going to have to break a few eggs.’ ” (Enthusiastic applause.)

  A Kuwaiti newspaper: “Frangieh cables Assad to congratulate him on his speech at the Damascus University amphitheater.” “Gemayel lauds Assad’s speech and his socialism, and attacks the internationalist left.”

  An Israeli newspaper: “Israeli Foreign Minister Allon: ‘With regards to Lebanon, silence is golden.’” “Yitzhak Rabin: ‘Israel has drawn a red line for Syrian forces – the Litani River.’ ”

  A Lebanese newspaper: “The Phalangists violate the 35th ceasefire agreement.”

  Rockets light up Beirut’s sky at night.

  A Lebanese newspaper: “600 killed and wounded in 2 days.”

  The Lebanese office of public safety. A crowd of people lining up for passports to emigrate.

  A press conference with Elias Sarkis, who announces that he is nominating himself for president and welcomes Syria’s support.

  A newspaper headline: “The nationalist and progressivist factions call for a general strike and implore members of parliament not to attend the parliamentary session that would elect Sarkis.”

  The Bristol Hotel in West Beirut. Armored cars pull up together at the hotel entrance and civilians get out, carrying various pieces of hand luggage. Several gunmen accompany them inside the hotel.

  Title card:

  On the evening of May 7, the Sa’iqa organization started gathering members of parliament into the Bristol Hotel. It became known that millions of lira were paid to members, including 3 million received by Kamil al-As’ad, the s
peaker of parliament, in exchange for holding the session and ensuring that his parliamentary group attended. Zuheir Mohsen, the leader of the Sa’iqa, emphasized that he only paid those members that Sa’iqa brought to the site of the parliamentary session, and that there were other sources that also paid money.

  On the same evening, Shaykh Pierre Gemayel called Camille Chamoun and promised to send him a check for the amount of 2 million Syrian lira in exchange for having him and his group of allies in parliament attend. Chamoun insisted that the payment be in Lebanese lira, because Syrian lira were worth less. He also asked that the payment be in cash. Gemayel called the director of the Lebanon-France Bank, who afterwards became the finance minister in the government of Salim El-Hoss, and asked him to withdraw the amount from an account owned by his brother-in-law, who was on the bank’s board of trustees. A Volkswagen was sent to the bank’s head office, and it transported the amount in bags, guarded by a group of Phalangists, to Chamoun at his headquarters. He set out with his allies in parliament immediately after receiving it.

  Mansour Palace. Armored cars and gunmen surround the ancient building, of Ottoman construction. Sounds of bombardment and bullets. Two foreign photographers seek protection in the hulk of a car. An elderly member of parliament crosses the road to the palace entrance at a run. Behind him are three bodyguards armed with machineguns, running with heads low. In front of the palace entrance stands an enormous man with white hair, brandishing his gun in order to protect the car door out of which a hunched-over member emerges.

  Title card:

  Moments before the session was held, Kamil al-As’ad surprised the Sa’iqa representative by telling him that the money he took in exchange for holding the meeting and attending it was for him alone. They would have to pay more to his allies in parliament to get them to attend and meet the legal quorum, which meant at least sixty-six members present.

  Elias Sarkis leaves Mansour Palace under the protection of several officers and soldiers.

  A newspaper headline: “Election of Sarkis as new president of the republic.”

  Another newspaper headline: ‘‘Jumblatt says: ‘Arab regimes are all reactionary, even the ones that claim to be progressive. Achieving secularism will break apart all the Arab regimes.’ ’’

  A third newspaper headline: “Imam al-Sadr says: there is no difference between those calling for secularism and the Israelis.”

  A fourth newspaper headline: “300 killed and wounded and clashes between supporters of Iraq and supporters of Syria.”

  A fifth newspaper headline: “The leadership of the Palestinian revolution condemns the incidents of violence committed by the Palestinian Army of Liberation (subordinate to Syria), Syrian forces and the Sa’iqa organization, and asks the Syrian leadership to remove the barriers they have set up in different districts.”

  An Israeli newspaper headline, dated May 13: “Syrian forces have killed more Palestinian ‘ravagers’ in the last week than Israel killed in the last 2 years.”

  Beirut Airport. A Syrian plane coming from Damascus. The Libyan prime minister, Abdessalam Julud, descends from the plane along with Yasser Arafat.

  Washington, DC, the White House. Giscard d’Estaing, the president of France, talks to reporters in a reception room: “It is likely that France will send an armed force to Lebanon to increase security, and this force may do some fighting in affected areas.”

  The American University in Beirut hospital. The Maronite leader Raymond Eddé is in a hospital bed and in front of him, in chairs, are Kamal Jumblatt and Nayef Hawatmeh.

  Title card:

  Following a failed attempt on his life, Raymond Eddé went to Pierre Gemayel in Bkerké and accused him of arranging the hit. On the road back, he encountered gunfire and was pursued, which ended with a bullet wounding him in the leg.

  A newspaper headline: “Killing of Linda Jumblatt. Masked gunmen invaded the home of the sister of the leader of the Lebanese National Movement on Sami al-Solh Street, murdering her and gravely injuring her daughter.”

  Linda Jumblatt’s funeral. Thousands come to pay their respects.

  Washington Post: “There are lingering suspicions that Kissinger is a party to or silent partner in what Lebanon is undergoing.”

  A Lebanese newspaper: “Forces from the Arab Army of Lebanon, led by al-Ma’mari, attack Christian villages in the north. The Palestinian resistance and Jumblatt accuse al-Ma’mari of a twisted plan with the aim of justifying the entry of Syrian forces into the region.”

  A Lebanese newspaper: ‘‘Al-Ma’mari declares: ‘I want to ask them to show me one faction in Lebanon that isn’t cooperating with one of the Arab states. So why do they want me to resist Syria and oppose it, when it was and will remain the beating heart of Arabism?’ ’’

  Damascus radio. Cables to Hafez Assad from Beirut pleading for help.

  Title card:

  The next day, June 1, 6,000 Syrian soldiers entered the Zahlé district and began disarming the Palestinian fedayeen.

  Chapter 12

  I dried myself and put on my underwear. Then, after turning out the light, I came out of the bathroom. I passed by Wadia sitting in front of the television, and entered my room. I turned on the light and stood in front of the wardrobe mirror to comb my hair. When I picked up my shirt, I found that it reeked of sweat, so I tossed it to one side. I went out to the living room and asked Wadia to lend me one of his.

  He gave me a clean shirt with a nearly worn-away collar. It was the kind of shirt that doesn’t need ironing, so I put it on right away. I finished dressing, then opened the wardrobe door. I pulled out my suitcase and took out of it the bag where I kept my dirty clothes. My eye was drawn to the bottom of the bag and I noticed the edge of my notebook underneath some papers.

  I thrust the dirty shirt into the bag, picked out the notebook, and flipped through its pages. I looked back and forth at the notebook and the bottom of the bag. Then I put the notebook in my jacket pocket. I carried the bag to the bathroom.

  I filled a plastic tub with water and emptied the contents of the bag into it. Then I went out to the living room. I lit a cigarette.

  “I finally found the notebook,” I said.

  Without taking his eyes off the television, Wadia responded, “Didn’t I tell you it wasn’t lost? Where did you find it?”

  “In the suitcase,” I said. “But I’m certain I left it on the bedside table this morning.”

  “ ‘Glory to Him who is not forgetful,’ ” he said, with a hint of sharpness.

  He turned off the television and we left the house. We took a taxi to a side street off the Mazraa Corniche. We got out of the car in front of a demolished building, and entered a modern building next to it, with wide balconies and plants for decoration.

  “Would you like to go up Mount Lebanon tomorrow?” he asked me, as we walked up the steps. “I’ll be leaving early with a Canadian reporter. Maybe I can ask her to bring along a girlfriend of hers.”

  I thought for a moment, then replied: “I don’t think I can. I have to work.”

  “Tomorrow’s Sunday,” he said.

  “I know. I’ll be working at your place.”

  Nazar Baalbaki welcomed us with ceremonious dignity. He led us to an elegantly furnished living room, one side of which was occupied by a long table made of heavy wood, groaning with bottles and plates of grilled meat and mezze. Around the table were several men engrossed in a noisy discussion.

  I sat down next to an Iraqi fiction writer who worked at a Beirut publishing house. I knew two other people around the table, one of whom was a Syrian film director, whose film about raising rabbits had been banned from screens by the Baathists. The other was a Palestinian scholar who was studying at Cairo University for his PhD.

  Nazar put a small empty glass in front of me and another in front of Wadia. He poured them half-full of arak, then added the same amount of water and a piece of ice. I downed the glass in one shot.

  It became clear that the discussion concerned
the stance of the Lebanese Communists in the civil war. There was a large man with a thick mustache called Marwan, who was accusing them of treachery because they had squandered their chance to seize power.

  He was speaking with an unusual amount of vehemence and stridency, and was using phrases like “right-wing opportunism” and “betraying the cause”. A Lebanese writer argued against him with the same force, emphasizing that someone wouldn’t allow them to act, starting from the factions within the Lebanese leftist front itself, all the way to Israel.

  I noticed that Nazar was listening with interest without joining in the discussion. Marwan shifted his attack to a new area, saying: “How do you explain the fact that they aren’t lifting a finger to defend leftists who have been arrested in Syria?”

  The Lebanese wasn’t able to respond, since at that moment we were joined by the artist with the petition who I had met with Antoinette. With him was a young man with long sideburns and rough lips who greeted me warmly. He was on the point of kissing me on the mouth, and would have, if I hadn’t turned my face at the last moment. A shudder went through my body as I watched him kiss people around the table on the mouth.

  I directed my attention to a large serving-plate of grilled jumbo shrimp. I filled my dish with some as I tried to remember if I had ever eaten shrimp this size in my life.

  I drank another glass of arak, and began wholeheartedly stuffing myself with the fresh white meat. Then I lit a cigarette. Wadia noticed I was looking for an ashtray; he put his glass on a small table next to him, picked up an ashtray from it, and handed it to me.

  Nazar suddenly stood up in a state of agitation; he produced a napkin and hurried to the small table. He lifted the glass from it and dried its surface very thoroughly.

  Wadia was upset and put out his hand to take his glass from Nazar while mumbling apologies. I looked carefully at the table’s surface which I supposed was everyday formica.