Furthermore, the army was a determined force. According to Barbour, Bruce had told any faint-hearted individuals to depart. Only men who would ‘wyn all or de with honour’ were to stay. What is certain is that the majority of the men present were tough individuals with a real sense of purpose.
Although the Scottish knights and men-at-arms wore armour, Bruce’s cavalry was inferior to that of the English for many of the mounts were smaller than those of Edward II’s men and few of the horses had armour. The infantry were armed with pikes 16 to 18ft long, had shields, and wore protective gear, some of it armoured. Moreover, some had an axe as their principal weapon: others still, were archers.
At Falkirk, the Scottish infantry had been formed into schiltroms. These were densely packed formations of pike- and axemen walled by their shields, and with the pikes protruding in all directions. The schiltrom could be a strong defensive formation, effective against cavalry, and not surprisingly Bruce decided to form his infantry into schiltroms at Bannockburn.
Description
It will be remembered that the English army spent the night of 23-24 June on the Carse. But just where it encamped on this large plain, which was very marshy in places, is uncertain. Some are of the opinion that it was between the Bannock burn and its tributary, the Pelstream and this view is accepted here. Such a position, with streams on three sides and a narrow front, is in accord with statements that the battle was fought in a very restricted area. Barbour, for example, emphasizes the ‘great stratnes of the plase’ upon which the engagement occurred.
Though Edward’s army was formidable when day dawned at about 4am on Monday 24th, few of his men can have felt eager for battle. For one thing, the strenuous march of the previous day had sapped their strength. Moreover, the reverses of the 23rd had undermined morale. Sir Thomas Gray records that the ‘English had been put out of countenance and were exceedingly dispirited by what had occurred.’ The Lanercost Chronicle makes the same point, referring to ‘great fear...among the English.’ In fact, during the course of the night Sir Alexander Seton, a Scot serving in the army, had deserted to Bruce and informed him that he only needed to attack to gain victory.
Early on the morning of the 24th Bruce did just that. He advanced towards the English with his army in echelon. The foremost battle was that of Edward Bruce on the right, then came that of Moray, then Sir James Douglas’ battle, and behind, that of the king. The cavalry, to the rear, was commanded by Sir Robert Keith. As the army proper advanced, the ‘small folk’ moved to the eastern rim of the high ground from which their countrymen had descended and halted to watch as events unfolded below.
The Scots’ advance was an unpleasant surprise for Edward’s congested army which was only in the process of arraying, and necessitated speedy action on its part. According to Barbour there were ten ‘battles’ of cavalry. As Sir Charles Oman has written, these were ‘probably in three lines of three each, with the tenth forming an advance guard.’ Behind the cavalry was the bulk of Edward’s force, the infantry.
According to the Lanercost Chronicle, as the Scots moved across the Carse they suddenly halted and ‘fell on their knees, repeating Pater Noster and commending themselves to God, after which they advanced boldly against the enemy.’ Reportedly, as Edward II watched this he commented: ‘Those men kneel to ask for mercy.’ To which Sir Ingram de Umfraville responded: ‘You are right, they ask for mercy, but not from you. They ask it from God for their sins.’
Earlier in the morning, Edward had angered the twenty-three-year-old Earl of Gloucester—who was in joint command of the English van with his rival, Hereford—by accusing him of prevarication and treachery for not being eager enough to come to blows with the enemy. Smarting from this, and perhaps eager to upstage Hereford, Gloucester now charged against Edward Bruce’s oncoming schiltrom without even waiting to don his surcoat and was soon slain.
The Lanercost Chronicle relates that in the subsequent clash between the van and Edward Bruce’s men, ‘the great steeds of the knights dashed into the Scottish pikes as into a thick wood; there arose a great and horrible crash from rending lances and dying horses.’ The Scottish pikes took a heavy toll. Many were directed at the steeds of their assailants which were thus horribly wounded, bringing both the mounts and their hapless riders crashing to the ground. More and more limbs and lives were destroyed, and though the English fought bravely they could not break the schiltrom of their determined opponents.
The other English cavalry battles had by now also become engaged or had attempted to do so. Some had ridden forward to support the van; the rest had moved against the schiltroms of Moray and Douglas which (from the English point of view), were to the right of Edward Bruce. According to the Lanercost Chronicle the English were so densely packed that the rear ranks ‘could not help’ their colleagues. Again, fierce combat occurred. Valiantly the English desperately tried to break the formations of the stubborn Scots, but once more their attempts proved fruitless.
While the above conflict was raging some, if not all, of Edward’s archers took up a position to the north of the Scots and commenced firing. Barbour tells us that: ‘The English shot so fast that, if only their shooting had lasted, it would have been hard for the Scots.’ Seeing this, Robert Bruce sent in his cavalry under Sir Robert Keith and scattered the unfortunate bowmen, some of whom fled the field whilst others fell back behind the fighting line.
Elsewhere, the battle was also going in the Scots’ favour. Confusion, frustration and fear, were becoming increasingly prevalent in the ranks of Edward’s hardpressed army. Geoffrey le Baker states that some of the English archers fired arrows at a high trajectory over the cavalry in front of them and in so doing ‘hit some few Scots in the breast, but struck many more English in the back.’ If so, this would have had a disconcerting effect on the congested cavalry whose morale had already been damaged by its failure to break the schiltroms of Edward Bruce, Moray and Douglas.
Then, to make things worse, Robert Bruce moved forward, almost certainly against the English right, thereby increasing the pressure. Soon, according to Barbour, the cry ‘On them! On them! On them! They fail!’ could be heard along the battlefront as the Scots realized that Edward’s once proud army was faltering.
As the battle was drawing to a close the ‘small folk’, who had been eagerly watching events, commenced moving forward, having tied sheets to poles to serve as banners. They were mistaken by the demoralized English as fresh Scottish soldiers. Resistance thus began crumbling.
At this juncture, with many of his men taking to their heels, and himself in danger of capture, King Edward was persuaded by Pembroke and a celebrated knight, Sir Giles de Argentine, to quit the field. According to the Scalacronica, as the king made his way to safety he had to fend off some of the enemy with his mace. Edward headed for Stirling Castle accompanied by Pembroke, Sir Giles, and a cavalry escort. However, proud Sir Giles disdained flight for himself. Once he was sure that the king had escaped, he turned around and charged against the enemy. ‘Thus died’, as Major Becke has commented, ‘one of the bravest and finest knights of the Christendom of his day.’
The departure of the king seems to have hastened the complete collapse of his army. Men began fleeing in all directions, including towards the castle, desperate to escape the carnage. Many never made it. They were either cut down by pursuing Scots, or drowned in the Forth or while attempting to cross the Bannock burn. Indeed, it is said that so many perished in the latter that it became possible for others to cross dryshod.
And what of King Edward and his escort? Sir Philip Mowbray refused to let them enter Stirling Castle for the stronghold now had to be surrendered to the Scots. Consequently they rode circuitously past the victors and, pursued by Douglas, then headed east towards Dunbar from where they sailed to Berwick.
Bannockburn is sometimes said to have been the worst defeat ever suffered by an English army. This is going
too far. Nonetheless, a great reverse it most certainly was. At least 37 lords, bannerets and knights perished, either in the skirmishes of the 23rd, the battle proper, or the pursuit, and likely hundreds of ordinary men-at-arms likewise fell. Losses among the infantry were also severe, though just how severe is unknown.
Furthermore, many prisoners of note were taken in the battle or while in flight. Among them was the Earl of Hereford who was subsequently exchanged for Bruce’s wife, sister and daughter who had been held by the English since 1306. Another captive was the keeper of the privy seal, Roger Northburgh, a highly important governmental official.
In addition the victors also seized much plunder in the English camp, including rich fabrics and gilt and silver vessels. Edward’s biographer estimated the value of the losses at £200,000. Whatever the true figure, it was a significant prize for the Scots and undoubtedly sweetened the taste of victory.
Bruce’s own losses seem to have been relatively slight. In fact according to Barbour only two Scottish knights perished in the battle, and there is little reason to doubt this figure.
Sir Charles Oman has observed of Edward II, ‘to be attacked and beaten when, by your own fault, you have no power to utilize superior numbers and armament is the mark of a bad general.’ The king’s performance was indeed lamentable. For instance, he committed the cardinal error of underestimating his opponent and was thus surprised when Bruce advanced against him on the 24th, with the result that he was forced to fight on ground which was not ideal. Moreover, he failed to deploy his archers properly.
In contrast, Bruce deserves admiration. He exercised discipline over his men, chose a strong position on which to confront Edward initially and then, instead of remaining on the defensive, boldly seized the initiative by advancing against his opponent’s larger army on the Carse. It was a decisive and skilful performance.
Finally, something must be said about Bannockburn’s historical significance militarily and politically. At Falkirk in 1298 the English cavalry had evidently found Wallace’s schiltroms formidable, and according to one account of the battle, Edward I’s army only made headway after he had used his archers against them. What is certain is that Bannockburn, like Courtrai in 1302 (when Flemish infantry routed the chivalry of France), and Morgarten in 1315 (when Swiss pikemen defeated the heavy cavalry of the Habsburgs), showed clearly that the nature of warfare had changed. For generations mounted knights had been dominant, but those days were over. The French were slow to grasp the fact. The English soon did so. In future battles such as Crécy (1346) they were to emerge victorious by combining dismounted knights and men-at-arms with archers deployed in such a way that they could use their longbows effectively.
The Lanercost Chronicle relates that following Bannockburn ‘Robert de Bruce was commonly called King of Scotland by all men, because he had acquired Scotland by force of arms.’ It is undoubtedly true that Bannockburn consolidated his position and greatly enhanced his reputation.
In contrast, Edward’s standing sank even lower, and following his return to England he was at the mercy of his political enemies. His biographer informs us that Edward ‘made for York and there took counsel with the Earl of Lancaster and the other magnates,’ and that ‘the earls said that the Ordinances had not been observed and therefore events had turned out badly for the king.’ Edward thus promised to observe the Ordinances, and in subsequent months watched helplessly as positions of importance were filled by friends and supporters of his principal English opponent, Lancaster.
Fortunately for the king, Lancaster’s dominance soon waned. He proved an inept figure and more moderate men such as Pembroke came to the fore. Then, in 1322, Lancaster was defeated at Boroughbridge in Yorkshire whilst in revolt and was soon executed. Hence Edward’s position became stronger than it had been for years and the Ordinances were consequently annulled in parliament. But the king soon squandered his chance of redeeming himself in the eyes of his people—largely through the favouritism he showed to the avaricious Despenser family. In 1327, following a revolt led by his embittered wife Isabella, (whom he had married in 1308) and her aristocratic lover, Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, he was forced to abdicate in favour of his son and then murdered in Berkeley Castle.
Since Bannockburn, save during periods of truce, the Scots had repeatedly raided the north of England, thereby devastating the region. Mortimer and Isabella therefore decided to make peace with the Scots once and for all—England’s new king, Edward III, was just a youngster—and in the Treaty of Northampton (1328), Bruce was recognized as the King of the Scots and Scotland was acknowledged to be an independent realm in no way subject to England. Furthermore, it was agreed that Bruce’s four-year-old son, David, would marry Edward III’s young sister, Joan.
By this date Robert Bruce was ailing, and in the following year he died. Through his courageous and skilful leadership he had secured the independence of his country and won for himself everlasting renown: ‘in the art of fighting and in the vigour of body,’ wrote the chronicler John Fordhun, ‘Robert had not his match in his time in any clime.’
8
HALIDON HILL 19 July 1333
In 1329 Scotland’s king, Robert Bruce, died and was succeeded by his five-year-old son, David II. As David was too young to rule, the Earl of Moray became regent and governed the country on his behalf. In the summer of 1332 Moray died and was succeeded by the Earl of Mar. He had to face an invasion from England led by Edward Balliol (the son of John Balliol, Scotland’s king from 1292-96), and a number of exiles whose land in Scotland had been forfeited through treason. Mar was killed in battle at Dupplin Moor on 11 August and in September Balliol was crowned King of Scotland at Scone after which, in November, he acknowledged Edward III of England as his liege lord. But Balliol was far from secure, and was soon driven back across the border by Scots loyal to David.
Balliol was determined to recover his throne, and in the spring of 1333 he moved north at the head of an English army with Edward’s blessing. He besieged the strategic border town of Berwick upon Tweed, and was soon joined by Edward himself, for the English king was an adventurous young man eager for military glory and intent on avenging the ignominious defeat experienced by his father at Bannockburn in 1314.
By this date Sir Archibald Douglas was regent of Scotland, and he moved south to relieve Berwick. He failed to dislodge the English army entrenched around the town and so moved into Northumberland where he began plundering the countryside, no doubt hoping that Edward III would raise the siege and pursue him. He was wrong. Edward stood firm, determined not to ease the pressure on Berwick.
It had been agreed between the investing forces and the garrison that if the town were not relieved by a certain date the latter would surrender. To ensure that this would occur a number of hostages had been sent to the English camp. In order to increase pressure on the garrison the king now unjustifiably threatened to hang one of the hostages, Thomas Seton, the son of Berwick’s governor, in the hope of forcing the governor to surrender early to save his son. The threat failed—Thomas was hanged in view of the garrison.
Upon hearing of this outrage, Douglas returned to Scotland and proceeded to march on Berwick. At Halidon Hill, two miles northwest of the town, he was confronted by Edward, who had marched from Berwick to oppose him with the bulk of his army.
Edward’s men were deployed on a hill with marshy ground before it. They were arrayed in three battles with small wings. The right was commanded by the Earl of Norfolk, the centre by Edward, and the left by Balliol. The army consisted of archers and dismounted knights and men-at-arms.
As the Scottish cavalry advanced towards the English position their progress was slowed down by the marshy ground, and as they ascended the hill they suffered severely from the fire of the English archers. Few of the cavalry, or of the infantry who likewise advanced, reached the English lines. The battle ended when Edward’s knights and men-at-arms mou
nted and charged, putting the Scots to flight.
Few Englishmen died at Halidon Hill. Scottish losses numbered into the thousands and included Douglas and many of Scotland’s other noblest men.
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NEVILLE’S CROSS 17 October 1346
Following Edward III of England’s victory at Crécy in 1346, Philip VI of France turned to Scotland, a traditional ally, for assistance. According to the English historian, Henry Knighton, Philip ‘suggested to the Scots [that] there did not remain in England any unless husbandmen and shepherds, and imbecile and decrepit chaplains’ because all the fighting men were in France with Edward. After receiving word that Philip required support, Scotland’s young king, David II, invaded England being ‘right jolly, and desirous to see fighting,’ according to Andrew Wyntoun.
David wasted Lanercost Priory in Cumbria, and Hexham in Northumberland, before entering County Durham. He halted at Beaurepaire, just northwest of Durham City.
Edward had placed the Archbishop of York and two important northern barons, Ralph Neville and Henry Percy, in charge of defending England during his absence. Hence, on Monday 16th October, an English army summoned to oppose David arrived at Bishop Auckland about thirteen miles south of Beaurepaire.
A large body of Scottish cavalry made its way to Ferryhill about five miles northeast of Bishop Auckland, perhaps intent on raiding. However English cavalry appeared and the Scots fell back. They were pursued and a fierce clash occurred at Sunderland Bridge at a crossing of the River Wear. The badly mauled Scots then returned to the Scottish camp.
Hastings to Culloden - Battles in Britain 1066-1746 Page 6