Buckskin Pimpernel

by Mary Beacock Fryer

  Governor Haldimand wanted him to keep up the correspondence with Vermont, although now its main purpose was her continued neutrality. Justus wanted that as much as his chief, but he did not share Haldimand's conviction that the Vermont leaders were playing the British off against the Congress to avoid being coerced by either power. His Excellency went along with the conspirators because neutrality made Canada more secure, but Justus was constantly reminded of the direction of Vermont's trade. Nicols and Holmes with their beef was only one of many incidents where men came to the Loyal Blockhouse wanting to trade their wares. Lumber and grain, Vermont's main source of wealth, could not be moved cheaply by road. All her waterways north of Arlington drained ultimately to the St. Lawrence River.

  Trade, Justus the hard-headed businessman knew, might be the deciding factor for Vermont. Her viable markets were Montreal and Quebec City. Timber rafts and boatloads of grain, potash and other goods could be moved economically down the Richelieu, but not towards the markets in the large population centres around New York City. If access to the St. Lawrence were denied Vermont indefinitely, her economy would be depressed. Her geography tied her to the St. Lawrence, and if she could not sell her wares there, the Allens and other frontier businessmen would suffer where it hurt most, in their pocketbooks. Frontiersmen were pragmatists as much as patriots, to whichever side, and Justus was convinced that Ethan and Ira were not deceiving him. If the Congress kept on resisting, the time might come when Vermont opted to reunite in order to have free access to the St. Lawrence.

  Not long after the visit of the Reverend Cossitt and Captain Sumner, Justus played host to two other visitors. One was Luke Knowlton of New Fane, Vermont, a Cumberland County judge and member of the county's Committee of Safety. Knowlton was also a long time resident agent who had provided Justus' scouts with intelligence. He fled to the Loyal Blockhouse when he learned that Governor George Clinton of New York had offered 100 pounds to anyone who would carry him off to Poughkeepsie, on the lower Hudson River.1 The other was Sarah's youngest brother, nineteen-year-old Lemuel Bothum, who longed to see Elijah again. After the trek through the snow in cowhide boots he was suffering from frost bitten feet.

  Knowlton reported on a riot at Walpole, New Hampshire, during a sale for taxes:

  I am informed the highest Bid on the best yoke of oxen was nineteen pence and Cows some five pence. Genl. Bellows bid one dollar for a cow, which so enraged the populace that he relinquished it. After the Vendue the populace went to their Liberty pole (so called when erected) and cryed aloud Liberty is gone, Cut it down and at the fall Huzza'd aloud for King George and his Laws.

  They were interrupted by the arrival of Thomas Smyth, who had been gathering intelligence in Vermont. He reported that Sergeant Moses Hurlburt, King's Rangers, attended a public dance in Arlington, got drunk and was openly recruiting.2 Yet worse was in store. Justus learned that a recruiting party of three King's Rangers went into Vermont after stealing money in New York, and had also robbed a house near Poultney. Justus was not surprised when the Vermont leaders requested that no more recruiting parties be sent into their territory.3 Major James Rogers had some men of dubious character in his ranks, but Justus was sympathetic to Moses Hurlburt, who had been under much strain of late. Other officers complained that he had deserters from the Continental Army in his garrison, but as long as such were conscientious Justus was tolerant of past allegiances.4

  As soon as Lemuel Bothum was fit to travel, he and Judge Knowlton went on to Fort St. Johns, escorted by Elijah, who needed a leave of absence and time to spend with his brother. Afterward, all was quiet until late February. Then Thomas Sherwood came skating along the ice, shouting that six hundred rebels had left Albany in sleighs. When last seen they were making for Saratoga, and were commanded by Colonel Marinius Willett. Justus prepared to withstand a seige.

  He posted scouts far up the lake to keep watch, then he dispatched a scout to Pointe au Fer to warn Major Carleton, another to Vermont with a message for Governor Chittenden. Next, Justus ordered all the women and children to leave for Fort St. Johns, and he helped Sarah pack before seeing her off in a sleigh with Diana, Levius and Caesar Congo. Waving until they were out of sight, Justus reflected that Thomas and Samuel had been wise in refusing to move their families to the blockhouse. Had they given up the house at Fort St. Johns, Sarah would have had to scramble for accommodation, competing with other women and children who were waiting for decent houses.

  Firewood was of vital importance, for it could not be brought in if a large force of rebels surrounded his post. The work parties had to redouble their efforts since he did not dare run short of fuel in such bitter weather. One suspense-filled day followed another as Justus and his small garrison waited for news. Then the scouts returned and reported that Colonel Willett's men had turned west towards Oswego, where a detachment of the second battalion, King's Royal Regiment of New York under the command of Major John Ross was stationed.

  The Vermonters, too, had waited anxiously, and when everyone knew that Oswego was Willett's objective, all relaxed, although Justus feared for the fate of the garrison under Ross. Then his scouts returned with word that Willett had failed because his advance party was spotted by Ross' scouts. The withdrawal had been frightful. Many men died from exposure, while eighty survivors were in the hospital in Albany with frozen feet.

  By March 10 Justus was almost reconciled to the fact that the colonies would be granted their independence, and he wrote to Major Mathews:

  I have during the Contest Encounter'd many difficulties and dangers with Chearfulness, being always supported by my Confidence in His Majesty's Arms and my own Consciousness of the justice of his Cause; but if independence is in fact granted we have no other consolation left; than the Consciousness of having endeavour'd to do our duty, for I think no Loyalist of Principle & spirit can ever endure the thought of going back to live under the Imperious laws of a Washington and his minions.5

  At the same time he passed on a request from Ethan Allen that Vermont be recognized as a British province in the articles of peace — a suggestion Justus himself had planted in the big mountain chieftain's mind through scout David Crowfoot. This was destined to go only as far as the Château St. Louis. His Excellency thought the British commissioners negotiating with rebel emissaries in Paris had enough thorny issues that defied solution without this baffling one.

  As the snow began to melt, Justus pondered where he would find a suitable place for his family. There was plenty of good land in Canada, but the conveniently located parts were held by seigneurs. Only in the seigneury of Sorel, which the government purchased in 1780, could loyalists be accommodated satisfactorily.6 Some English-speaking seigneurs were seeking tenants among the refugees, in the hope that the presence of the loyalists would induce the British government to revoke the Quebec Act and institute English civil law. In Sherwood's view that would be an improvement, but it might not solve the problem of tenancy.

  He had shunned renting land when he chose to settle in the New Hampshire Grants, and was no happier at the prospect of paying rent in Canada. Furthermore, as a staunch Protestant he could never be content surrounded by Canadians. He prayed that Haldimand would make more suitable arrangements, especially for the New Englanders. All would chafe if they were compelled to live among people who were apolitical and who differed from them in language and religion.

  In Quebec City, Haldimand was coming to the same conclusions as Sherwood, and his plans reflected his Swiss background. Loyalists should not live among the Canadians where they might lose their identity and assimilate. They should have their own cantons, and the matter required careful consideration. His Excellency was not going to be rushed into making any snap decisions.

  Throughout the month of March, the Loyal Blockhouse was as busy as a trading post. Some of Sherwood's guests were welcome, others an endurance test. One man came with shoes to sell, and was sent to New Hampshire. On the 14th, who should appear, all smiles, but Ethan Allen's obn
oxious cousin Ebenezer, to enquire about trade. The memory of the march through Vermont those snowy November days of 1780 came back to haunt Justus. He was tempted to arrange for Ebenezer to vanish into the forest, with no one but a few confidants the wiser, but that was not his way. Instead, he received him, but admitted to Mathews that it was ‘so painful to see him I can barely treat him with common civility’.7

  Later in the day, Elijah Bothum arrived from Fort St. Johns, bringing Sarah, Diana, Levius and Caesar Congo. Several of the other women had returned, and Sarah wanted to be on hand to care for her husband at a trying time. On Justus' behalf, Elijah had purchased ‘1 pr Skaites for Master Saml’ which cost six shillings and eightpence, and a slightly inferior pair for Justus Seeley, Sherwood's drummer to use while the ice remained firm enough.

  Ten days later, Ira Allen wrote Justus asking him to arrange a loan of 10,000 guineas in Montreal at six percent interest. In return, Ira promised Justus a good farm in Vermont. Wearily Justus chuckled. Ira must be desperate, or he would have realized that an impoverished refugee officer whose employment was about to end had no standing with the merchants of Montreal. All the security the one time Green Mountain Boy had to offer was a piece of land in a foreign country that was in a state of turmoil.

  On April 27, 1783, the preliminary articles of peace were published in the Quebec Gazette. As the news spread, more visitors flocked to the Loyal Blockhouse. Most were refugees, but some were rebels, smelling success and very overbearing. The latter claimed that Captain Sherwood was occupying New York territory and should be evicted forthwith. Many wanted to trade, the hostile ones to demand the discharge of friends and brothers serving in provincial corps or prisoners in camps around Montreal. Arrogant though they were, Justus felt obliged to protect them, and he informed Mathews that his men would cut such visitors to pieces if he did not keep a cautious lookout.8

  Two loyalists from Boston named Campbell and Huntingdon came saying they had been ruined by a recent sharp decline in prices, and Justus gave them sanctuary. Soon afterwards, a man named Wait arrived, demanding that Justus hand over Campbell and Huntingdon, insisting that the Loyal Blockhouse was on land under the jurisdiction of Congress. Justus' retort was sharp. He would not surrender any man who came seeking his protection. If Wait was acting on the authority of Congress or any of that body's member states, with whom Britain was still at war, Justus would send him to Isle aux Noix as a prisoner of war. If Wait wished to go to Canada with Campbell and Huntingdon to ask Haldimand's permission to prosecute them, Justus would offer him every assistance. Wait excused himself, promising to return soon. He never did. Justus had called his bluff and Wait was relieved to escape with his skin intact.

  That month Justus received his last wartime communication from Ethan Allen, dated April 18 ‘at a Tavern in Manchester half over seas’. Justus smiled grimly. Ethan was in his cups and misquoting Jonathan Swift. ‘Independent for Independence’, he declared, maintaining that Vermont would never confederate with Congress. He asked Justus to use his influence to have loyalists settle in northern Vermont — a scheme intolerable to Haldimand. The governor did not want loyalists near any border, lest their presence provoke incidents.9

  On May 5, Mathews ordered Justus to proceed to Quebec City with seven or eight men of his detachment, or loyalists from Isle aux Noix and Fort St. Johns. Haldimand wanted him to explore the east coast, and he was to apply to Major Nairne at Isle aux Noix for a whaleboat. Mathews enclosed a passport for Sarah to visit her relatives in Vermont during Justus' absence. After asking Sarah's opinion Justus decided to take his family with him. He wanted to show Sarah Quebec City, and he had made the acquaintance of Captain Hugh O'Hara, the commandant of the garrison at Gaspé Bay. He knew he could leave the family with the O'Haras, affording the children a holiday.

  Thomas Sherwood was in Justus' party when he left the Loyal Blockhouse.19 They picked up Samuel from school in Montreal, and when they reached Quebec City, Justus rented rooms in the London Coffee House, a large stone hostelry in the Lower Town that was popular with English-speaking visitors. He conferred with the governor on his forthcoming mission, a journey to explore Gaspé Bay, Chaleur Bay and the coast as far as the Miramichi River Valley, in search of land for loyalists. Mathews told Justus that for every vacant acre there were at least fifty applicants.11 He meant only land not under seigneurial tenure, for the seigneuries were more than half vacant.

  With Sarah by his side Justus found the evenings more agreeable than on his other visits. Once Haldimand discovered that he had brought his family, he asked Justus to bring Sarah and the children for a short audience in the drawing room of the Château St. Louis. His Excellency took a lively interest in the families of his officers and wanted to inspect Captain Sherwood's when he had the opportunity. He was fond of children, and the von Riedesel daughters adored him, calling him ‘Onkel Friedrich’. In turn he referred to Augusta as ‘my little wife’.12 At the time the Baroness von Riedesel was staying in the city, recovering from the death of her infant daughter, Kanada. The child, born at Sorel, had been Haldimand's goddaughter.

  Justus and Sarah went to parties with Major Mathews and his recent bride, Mary Simpson, whom the governor's secretary had long courted. From other ladies, Sarah discovered that Mathews had almost lost his Mary the summer before, when the ship Abermarle was in port. Her captain, Horatio Nelson, was infatuated with Mary, and when his ship was ordered to sail for Halifax, Nelson jumped ship, vowing he would never be parted from her. His crew dragged him aboard and weighed anchor, thus saving the young officer's naval career.13

  On May 29 the Sherwoods left Quebec City and as usual, Justus recorded the type of vessel in which he sailed. His journal for Haldimand began:

  May 29th Left Quebec, in the Treasury Brig St. Peters. 7th June Arrived in Gaspy Bay, Landed My Family at Captain O'Haras where they were received with Every Mark of Civility and Politeness – Mr. O'Hara is a most worthy, sensible Man, perfectly Attached to Govt. And well dispos'd to serve the distressed Loyalists. he gave me every Assistance in his power,14

  The O'Hara family proved compatible, and Sarah, young Samuel, Diana and Levius, now aged eight, six and five, ranked as the first tourists to spend a summer holiday in that magnificent setting. The children swam in the sea, fished with the young O'Haras, and feasted on lobsters which they caught by the tails among the shallows. Meanwhile, Justus and Captain O'Hara were fully occupied examining the land. As a farmer and surveyor, Justus knew good land when he saw it, and he found the surroundings similar to Connecticut. In his journal his New England background, the knowledge of the sea acquired during his youth in Stratford, on the coast, shone through his writing.

  The country around Gaspé Bay, ‘Point Peters’ and Percé he found mountainous, but there was one exception, land enough for forty to fifty families on either side of Gaspé Bay. The rivers abounded in salmon, the bay with cod, eels and lobsters. Point Peters was well situated for a fishery, but the land was not fit for cultivation. Percé he described as:

  a very pleasant place, finely situated for the Fishery.…if this Front was Regularly divided into Equal Lots, it Might form a very pretty Town of about 100 Houses with Land Sufficient for Fishing ground, Gardens &c.

  He was picturing a New England town, overlooking the sea, and typically Yankee, he wanted the town to look attractive. Of Perboe, in Chaleur Bay, where his party arrived on June 16, he observed:

  this is an exceeding Pleasant Place, where one is in the Basin or Harbor, but the Entrance is narrow and somewhat difficult for Large Vessels.…the Soil is exceeding Good and natural for Grass, rye, Oats, Barley &c but I think it is in General, too low for Wheat.

  Again he found the fishing excellent. Perboe would make a fine place for trade, and as he proceeded he noted other good harbours and pockets of rich soil. Captain O'-Hara turned back, and Justus, Thomas and their party continued to the mouth of the Restigouche River, where they found a harbour that was only suitable for ‘Boats and Shallops’. T
he land was good, but the Restigouche Indians claimed it, as they did all the meadows up the river.

  Setting out to explore some islands and the Miramichi River, he noted that the climate at Chaleur Bay was more favourable than on any part of the St. Lawrence below Sorel. Wheat, barley, oats, peas and grass were twenty days further advanced. He thought 1,500 families might settle there, and another 200 from Percé to Gaspé, but they would require some help for three or four years, until they could get the land cleared and houses built, and they needed to be supplied with cattle and tools. ‘I am persuaded this country would in a little time become the most Valuable of His Majesty's present Dominion in North America’.

  Only a Yankee from resource-poor Connecticut could have made such an optimistic evaluation of these coastal lands. Justus based his assessment on what settlers could earn by fishing and trade, but he found that land tenure was a serious drawback to creating a settlement in the vicinity:

  the settlement of this Country never can flourish while under the monopoly of a few seignury Leaders, who make it their study to mismanage the cultivation of the Lands & to keep the poor Inhabitants as much in debt as to oblige them to spend the whole Summer Season in fishing to pay up their Arrears.

  On July 1, his party reached the Miramichi River, in ‘the Govt of Nova Scotia’. He found it a fine river, navigable for vessels of ‘100 tons’ for ‘forty-five miles’, as far as a fort, and for another ‘forty-five miles’ for boats. By the latter he meant a shallow draft bateau or whaleboat, as opposed to a keel boat. Again he commented on the wealth of fish, and the smoothness of the terrain, but as at Chaleur Bay he found land tenure a drawback. The land was ‘monopolized by designing Men, no less than 12,000 Acres including All the good land, and most of the Salmon Fishery is own'd by two men’.