The Mask of Troy jh-5

by David Gibbins

  ‘How…’ Rebecca said, her voice little more than a whisper. ‘How could he do that?’

  The woman shook her head, and continued organizing the tray. Dillen thought of what Rebecca had just said. Apollodorus of Rhodes knew it. There is no mighty bulwark against evil war. Once total war was unleashed, once Troy had fallen, it was there always, tempting, beckoning. All that was left to hold it back was the will of the individual. And maybe Schliemann had known. It may have been his fervent hope. Individuals have the power to shape history.

  Dillen opened his folder and took out a few sheets of paper. ‘I’ve brought the Ilioupersis, the fall of Troy. It’s a hundred and twenty-six lines, the entire text that Jeremy and Maria found in the lost library at Herculaneum,’ he said. ‘I want to read it to you.’

  ‘Have you kept the Greek metre?’ Jack asked.

  Dillen shook his head. ‘It wasn’t written that way. It retains some of the imagery, the familiar epithets of the Iliad, but it’s in a kind of free verse. Hugh and I found it disconcerting, at first. How could this be Homer, if it wasn’t written in his famous iambic pentameter? But then we realized why. The pentameter of the Iliad was suited to the heroic cycle, to the story of men powerless to shape their fate, acting on a stage created by the gods, relentless, repetitive. And it was suited to memorization, to the beat of the bard, to the accompaniment of the lyre. But the Ilioupersis is different. The heroes are all dead. The gods are gone. Man is ascendant.’

  ‘You mean the course of the story is no longer predictable, no longer familiar to the audience, time-honoured,’ Jack murmured.

  Dillen nodded. ‘In the Ilioupersis, the poet describes what he sees, not a cycle according to some bardic formula. The Ilioupersis is shorn of ornament. For Homer, finishing the story of Troy that way, showing what he actually saw, was his poetic responsibility, just as it was three thousand years later for the poets of the First World War, for Graves and Sassoon and Owen and the others. The bardic tradition of the Iliad was for fireside stories of heroes, of clashes and contest, of strutting and shouting. Maybe Homer was afraid of this final truth he had written in the Ilioupersis, and put it away. Maybe his world crumbled around him as he watched and wrote, and the text was lost in the darkness at the end of the age of heroes.’

  There was a low rushing sound outside, something flying overhead out of sight in the mist, the beating of wings. Jack peered out. ‘We heard that before you came, and I asked our host. It’s migrating birds, flying south from the Baltic towards Africa. Blackbirds, ravens, geese. It’s a strange coincidence, but from here they fly south-east to Gallipoli, over the Dardanelles and into Asia. In a day or two’s time, those birds will fly over Troy.’

  Dillen listened, but they had gone. It was as if the birds were following a fault line, not a geographical fault but a rent in the fabric of civilization, between places that had become a terrifying crucible of death. He wondered whether Schliemann had looked up at Troy and seen those birds too, black ravens flying south, whether they had somehow brought to him a vision from the future, something so terrible it drove him to try to alter the course of history.

  ‘So,’ Rebecca said, cocking an eye at Dillen. ‘You said Homer actually watched the fall of Troy. Do you really think the Ilioupersis is an eyewitness account?’

  ‘The evidence is all there, in the radiocarbon analysis of the papyrus, the textual analysis, the early form of the alphabet. If Troy fell in 1200 BC, this couldn’t be much later than that.’

  ‘You’re not really answering my question.’

  ‘Tell me what you think after I’ve read it out. It’s for you to judge.’

  ‘Archaeology can’t tell the whole story of Troy, can it?’

  Jack smiled. ‘The pottery only sings if you know how to make it sing.’

  ‘The immortal bard,’ Rebecca murmured. ‘That’s what Alexander Pope called Homer.’ She reached into her pocket and took out the copy of Pope’s Iliad that Dillen had given her. She opened it, and Dillen saw the inscription. To Hugh, with love and affection from Peter. Remembering our summer at Mycenae, 1938. Rebecca looked towards Hugh, then suddenly cocked her head, listening. ‘I think I can hear music. From the garden.’ She listened again. ‘ The harp.’ Dillen craned his neck. All he could hear was an echo of beating wings. ‘Don’t go to Hugh yet,’ she said. ‘In case he can hear it too.’

  ‘What music is it?’ Jack said.

  Rebecca turned to him, her face flushed. ‘I thought I heard James play it, on his lyre at Troy.’ She turned to Dillen. ‘It was that last evening, when you went back up to your trench and thought nobody else was listening. I was on the path in Schliemann’s trench, coming up to see you. It was a children’s song. It was beautiful.’

  ‘We should get cracking with the text,’ Jack said. ‘And Hugh shouldn’t be out there much longer.’

  Dillen smiled at Rebecca, then stepped forward to the doorway. Hugh was motionless, facing ahead. Dillen looked for the girl with the harp, barely seeing her through a shroud of mist, in utter stillness. It was as if they all were caught in the moment the girl was in. Then he saw flakes of snow falling, like ash. He remembered what else he had brought with him, and reached into his pocket, taking out the piece of pottery, black, crude, like a charred fragment, that he had taken from the ancient pyre in his excavation trench at Troy. He glanced at Jack. The pottery will sing. He put it to his nose and inhaled deeply, smelling the fires of Troy. In his mind’s eye he saw another figure, sitting with a lyre on a rocky ridge above the battleground, watching the war-bent men of Mycenae surge forward, feeling the ground shake as the sceptre of their mighty king came crashing down. Homer. Agamemnon.

  He saw Hugh slowly raise his right forearm, extend his finger like a pistol, and point it forward. Dillen knew that gesture, from the classroom all those years before. It meant go for it. He took a deep breath, then listened through the stillness, straining to hear the music that Rebecca had heard.

  He looked down at the lines of ancient verse. It was all true. Homer had been there, had watched the fall of Troy. In the tenth year Agamemnon had stormed and raged, had crashed down his mighty sceptre, and his men had rained down a new horror, arrows of iron. The Trojan Horse had been a ship driven by the howling blackness of the sea against the walls of Troy, to disgorge Agamemnon’s iron-girt warriors to do their worst. And Helen of Troy was no woman, but a flaming pyre, a beacon that lit up the night sky, a fire that he himself had touched, had smelled.

  Like the Turkish boy who had watched Schliemann and Sophia almost three thousand years later, Homer had watched Agamemnon steal down a passageway under Troy, had seen him shut for ever the great bronze doors of a chamber where once kings had met to keep hateful war at bay, to keep down the beast inside the man that was now unleashed in Agamemnon himself, tempted by new and yet more deadly weapons.

  The age of bronze had become the age of iron. The age of heroes had become the age of men.

  Dillen lifted the paper and began to read.

  Author’s Note

  I first visited Troy as an archaeology student in 1984, when the custodian allowed me to sleep under the eaves of the old excavation house next to the site. That night I wandered alone among the ruins, and knelt at the spot where Heinrich Schliemann uncovered the fabulous ‘Treasure of Priam’ in 1873. When I was there it had been almost half a century since the last excavations, and to visit Troy was to enter the world of Schliemann, to see the site as I imagined he had seen it for the last time in 1890 shortly before his death. I felt the same when I visited the site again while writing this novel, to view the results of renewed excavations: Schliemann’s personality remains embedded in Troy like another layer in the archaeology. Without Schliemann, there might have been no ‘Troy’ in the popular imagination; it was his unique vision, his belief in the truth of the Trojan War and in Homer, that gives the ruins such power today.

  Schliemann again followed ancient sources when he went to Greece to excavate the Bronze Age citadel of
Mycenae, stronghold of Agamemnon in Homer’s Iliad. The second century AD travel writer Pausanias wrote that Agamemnon had been buried inside the walls, and just within the massive stone ramparts Schliemann found the famous ‘grave circle’ with its shaft graves, containing a treasure that exceeded even his finds at Troy. Unlike the ‘Treasure of Priam’, which proved to be from the third millennium BC, centuries older than the likely date of the Trojan War – about 1200 BC – there was little doubt in Schliemann’s mind that the treasures from the Shaft Graves were Late Bronze Age, dating to the likely time of Agamemnon.

  The excavations in 1876 were supervised on behalf of the Greek Government by Panagiotis Stamatakis, who was in frequent conflict with Schliemann over his methods. Schliemann’s book Mycenae (1878) conveys his excitement: he found a rock-cut grave, the first ‘sepulchre’, but was forced by heavy rain to abandon it without – he claims – reaching the burials, only returning to it several weeks later after having uncovered other shaft graves and a huge wealth of gold, confirming that he had indeed found the tombs of royalty. In late November he reached the bottom of the first grave and found the famous ‘Mask of Agamemnon’, lifting it and claiming to see a skull which crumbled away on exposure to air. In the same shaft were two other bodies, one bizarrely deformed. Schliemann telegrammed the King of Greece to announce the discovery, later rendered in perhaps the most thrilling catch-phrase in the annals of archaeology: ‘today I gazed upon the face of Agamemnon.’

  Whether or not Schliemann dug secretly at Mycenae is unknown. The fictional account in the Prologue draws inspiration from Schliemann’s own account of excavating the Treasure of Priam at Troy three years earlier, when he claimed he saw gold, dismissed the workers and dug out the treasure himself, his wife Sophia by his side (Troy and its Remains, 1875). Schliemann felt compelled to defend himself against claims that he made a ‘traffic’ of treasures (Mycenae, p. 66). There is little doubt that he embellished aspects of his accounts, and that his excavation techniques sometimes did not meet the standards of the time. Schliemann’s own story mirrors the uncertainties and fascination of Troy itself. Like the flawed ancient heroes he worshipped, like Agamemnon himself, Schliemann is best seen as he saw those heroes, as a character shrouded in myth but bedded in a brilliant reality, one that shines through from those extraordinary days of discovery in the 1870s when his vision entranced the world.

  The present-day excavations at Troy in this novel are fictitious and unrelated to the renewed programme of investigations carried out at Troy since the 1980s. Those investigations have shed remarkable new light on Troy and its environs, and suggest how much remains to be discovered. The Bronze Age beachline in the Plain of Troy has been conjectured, as well as the likely location of the harbour for sailing ships at Besik Bay, on the Aegean coast opposite the island of Tenedos (Bozcaade). The overlapping shipwrecks in this novel are fictional, but are based on my experiences diving on shipwrecks in the Aegean ranging in date from the Bronze Age to the twentieth century. The shell-first construction technique of the galley is seen in a late Bronze Age merchantman excavated off south-west Turkey, and in Egyptian boats. The 1915 wreck is based on the famous Turkish minelayer Nusret, a full-scale replica of which can be seen at the Canakkale naval museum. Unexploded mines and other ordnance from the 1915 Gallipoli campaign still litter the sea bed in the Dardanelles and have frequently been destroyed by Turkish navy disposal teams.

  At Troy, I have imagined the fictional house excavation taking place close to the northern wall of the late Bronze Age citadel where structures may remain buried. The features of the house are based on other late Bronze Age buildings at Troy, including the sloping walls. Photographs of these structures can be seen on my website www.davidgibbins.com. The remains of the beacon pyre are fictional, though there is much destruction debris and evidence of burning. The wall-painting of the lyre-player is inspired by an actual fresco of a lyre-player found at the Mycenaean palace of Pylos in Greece, though without an inscription; as yet no inscription has been found to suggest a date for Homer as early as the late Bronze Age.

  The passageway and chamber beneath Troy in this novel are also fictional. However, an extraordinary discovery in the 1990s was a water chamber and a complex of tunnels, totalling about 160 metres in length, beyond the south-western edge of the citadel. The idea of a large round chamber derives from the ‘beehive’ or ‘tholos’ tombs of the Aegean Bronze Age, the most spectacular of which is the structure at Mycenae that Schliemann dubbed the ‘Treasury of Atreus’. My idea that structures such as these may have been used as arsenals is consistent with the highly centralized control over bronze-working evidenced in the Mycenaean Linear B archives, and the known example of a strongroom used to store ingots in the Minoan Palace of Zakros on Crete.

  Bronze arrowheads have been found at Troy, and the Mycenaean arrowheads described in chapter 3 can be seen in the British Museum. Iron-making spread across Anatolia and the Aegean in the final quarter of the second millenium BC, first producing high-status blades and eventually spearheads and arrowheads. The spread has been thought of as a slow process because of the expertise needed, but a perspicacious ruler could have seen the potential and seized on the technology to gain ascendancy in a long-standing conflict, potentially tipping the balance in a siege such as that described by Homer at Troy.

  The story of the Trojan Horse does not appear in the Iliad, and is only mentioned three times in the Odyssey, in such a way that the reader was clearly expected to be familiar with it. The story that has come down to us is traditionally ascribed to the Ilioupersis – the ‘Fall of Troy’ – by Arctinus, thought by some to have been a pupil of Homer. Only a few lines of that Ilioupersis survive among the so-called ‘Trojan cycle’ of epic fragments, though it is possible that the Roman poet Virgil had access to more when he created Book 2 of the Aeneid – the account of the Fall of Troy that is the main basis for the story of the Trojan Horse in modern imagination, despite being written over a thousand years after the events it purports to describe. The fictional Ilioupersis in this novel fills the gap in Homer’s work; the fictional context of its discovery, a buried library at Herculaneum, forms part of my novel The Last Gospel. The idea that the horse should be understood less literally intrigued Homeric scholars in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, including the possibility that it was a siege-tower or a ship, or an allegorical manifestation of Poseidon, horse-god as well as god of earthquakes and the sea; as we understand better the natural cataclysm that may have accompanied the Fall of Troy, these ideas may acquire renewed currency.

  In ancient tradition the Trojan palladion (Latin palladium) was a small wooden statue of the god Pallas, equated by the Greeks with the goddess Athene. It was supposedly rescued from Troy and kept in the Temple of Vesta in Rome, and then removed to Constantinople by the emperor Constantine the Great and buried under his column there. The story is full of uncertainty; some in antiquity believed the palladion remained concealed at Troy and was only discovered there in the first century BC (Appian, Mithridates 53, following Servius). The idea that there were two palladions, a ‘public’ palladion and something hidden, derives from an account by Dionysius of Halicarnassos, writing in the first century BC: ‘Arctinus says that a single palladion was given by Zeus to Dardanos, and that this remained in Ilion (Troy) while the city was being taken, concealed in an inner sanctum; an exact replica had been made of it and placed in a public area to deceive any who had designs on it, and it was this that the Achaeans (Greeks) schemed against and took’ (Roman Antiquities 1.69.3, trans M.L. West in Greek Epic Fragments, Harvard University Press 2003, 151). The tradition that Dardanos – the legendary founder of Troy – received the palladion from Zeus, that it had thus ‘fallen from heaven’, has led to the fascinating theory that the original palladion was meteoritic, consistent with the veneration of meteorites by other early cultures.

  The shape that such an object could have taken, worked perhaps by early metallurgists into a powerful symbol
, is a matter for conjecture. At Troy, Schliemann discovered many pottery items decorated with incised swastikas, a symbol well-known from India where it was seen as auspicious or generative – the Sanskrit word swastika means ‘to be well’. The Troy finds were among the earliest swastikas known, and fuelled an association between these symbols and the theory of an ‘Aryan’ race which came to obsess German nationalists. On the Trojan pottery, both the right-facing swastika and the left-facing version – known in Sanskrit as the sauwastika – are seen, with neither clearly more prevalent. However, the most extraordinary find of a swastika from Troy, incised on the vulva of a female idol, is left-facing, and left-facing swastikas can be seen on the wrought-iron gates of Schliemann’s house in Athens, among other emblems derived from Troy. And Schliemann did not only find them at Troy: digging into the first sepulchre at Mycenae, in the same grave where he was to find the Mask of Agamemnon, he discovered several small golden disks decorated with the reverse swastika – just as he had seen on pottery at Troy (Mycenae, p. 152). The swastika is visible in reverse through Nazi flags, but it was the right-facing version that had become the symbol of Nazi Germany by the early 1930s.

  The Nazi camp in this novel is fictional, as are all the characters portrayed therein. However, the details are based closely on descriptions and photographs of the much larger camp at Bergen-Belsen in the immediate aftermath of its liberation by British troops on 15 April 1945. I have not intentionally used the words of eyewitnesses, though I have tried to convey the language of British soldiers and medical staff at the time. Of huge importance has been the Imperial War Museum, London, for its archive of Belsen and other Holocaust material, and for publications that continue to provide insights, for example into the emergency medical provisions in the first days after liberation and the special care of children. The fictional experiences of the ‘girl with the harp’ draw on actual accounts, including selection at Auschwitz to join the camp orchestra. The archives allow one to move from the sheer enormity of the holocaust to the individual, not only the survivors and liberators but also the perpetrators. Among the shocking revelations in 1945 at Belsen was the role of the female SS auxiliaries. Numbers of SS guards were shot by a British SAS patrol that entered Belsen shortly before liberation, and in the days that followed British troops killed others who tried to escape. Three of the female guards as well as the camp commandant and six others were sentenced to death at the Belsen trial and hanged on 13 December 1945.