Genius

by James Gleick

  Students entering the laboratories and machine shops at MIT left the search for meaning outside. Boys tested their manhood there, learning to handle the lathes and talk with the muscular authority that seemed to emanate from the “shop men.” Feynman wanted to be a shop man but felt he was a faker among these experts, so easy with their tools and their working-class talk, their ties tucked in their belts to avoid catching in the chuck. When Feynman tried to machine metal it never came out quite right. His disks were not quite flat. His holes were too big. His wheels wobbled. Yet he understood these gadgets and he savored small triumphs. Once a machinist who had often teased him was struggling to center a heavy disk of brass in his lathe. He had it spinning against a position gauge, with a needle that jerked with each revolution of the off-kilter disk. The machinist could not see how to center the disk and stop the tick-tick-tick of the needle. He was trying to mark the point where the disk stuck out farthest by lowering a piece of chalk as slowly as he could toward the spinning edge. The lopsidedness was too subtle; it was impossible to hold the chalk steady enough to hit just the right spot. Feynman had an idea. He took the chalk and held it lightly above the disk, gently shaking his hand up and down in time with the rhythm of the shaking needle. The bulge of the disk was invisible, but the rhythm wasn’t. He had to ask the machinist which way the needle went when the bulge was up, but he got the timing just right. He watched the needle, said to himself, rhythm, and made his mark. With a tap of the machinist’s mallet on Feynman’s mark, the disk was centered.

  The machinery of experimental physics was just beginning to move beyond the capabilities of a few men in a shop. In Rome, as the 1930s began, Enrico Fermi made his own tiny radiation counters from lipstick-size aluminum tubes at his institute above the Via Panisperna. He methodically brought one element after another into contact with free neutrons streaming from samples of radioactive radon. By his hands were created a succession of new radioactive isotopes, substances never seen in nature, some with half-lives so short that Fermi had to race his samples down the corridor to test them before they decayed to immeasurability. He found a nameless new element heavier than any found in nature. By hand he placed lead barriers across the neutron stream, and then, in a moment of mysterious inspiration, he tried a barrier of paraffin. Something in paraffin—hydrogen?—seemed to slow the neutrons. Unexpectedly, the slow neutrons had a far more powerful effect on some of the bombarded elements. Because the neutrons were electrically neutral, they floated transparently through the knots of electric charge around the target atoms. At speeds barely faster than a batted baseball they had more time to work nuclear havoc. As Fermi tried to understand this, it seemed to him that the essence of the process was a kind of diffusion, analogous to the slow invasion of the still air of a room by the scent of perfume. He imagined the path they must be taking through the paraffin, colliding one, two, three, a hundred times with atoms of hydrogen, losing energy with each collision, bouncing this way and that according to laws of probability.

  The neutron, the chargeless particle in the atom’s core, had not even been discovered until 1932. Until then physicists supposed that the nucleus was a mixture of electrically negative and positive particles, electrons and protons. The evidence taken from ordinary chemical and electrical experiments shed little light on the nucleus. Physicists knew only that this core contained nearly all the atom’s mass and whatever positive charge was needed to balance the outer electrons. It was the electrons—floating or whirling in their shells, orbits, or clouds—that seemed to matter in chemistry. Only by bombarding substances with particles and measuring the particles’ deflection could scientists begin to penetrate the nucleus. They also began to split it. By the spring of 1938 not just dozens but hundreds of physics professors and students were at least glancingly aware of the ideas leading toward the creation of heavy new elements and the potential release of nuclear energies. MIT decided to offer a graduate seminar on the theory of nuclear structure, to be taught by Morse and a colleague.

  Feynman and Welton, juniors, showed up in a room of excited-looking graduate students. When Morse saw them he demanded to know whether they were planning to register. Feynman was afraid they would be turned down, but when he said yes, Morse said he was relieved. Feynman and Welton brought the total enrollment to three. The other graduate students were willing only to audit the class. Like quantum mechanics, this was difficult new territory. No textbook existed. There was just one essential text for anyone studying nuclear physics in 1938: a series of three long articles in Reviews of Modern Physics by Hans Bethe, a young German physicist newly relocated to Cornell. In these papers Bethe effectively rebuilt this new discipline. He began with the basics of charge, weight, energy, size, and spin of the simplest nuclear particles. He moved on to the simplest compound nucleus, the deuteron, a single proton bound to a single neutron. He systematically worked his way toward the forces that were beginning to reveal themselves in the heaviest atoms known.

  As he studied these most modern branches of physics, Feynman also looked for chances to explore more classical problems, problems he could visualize. He investigated the scattering of sunlight by clouds—scattering being a word that was taking a more and more central place in the vocabulary of physicists. Like so many scientific borrowings from plain English, the word came deceptively close to its ordinary meaning. Particles in the atmosphere scatter rays of light almost in the way a gardener scatters seeds or the ocean scatters driftwood. Before the quantum era a physicist could use the word without having to commit himself mentally either to a wave or a particle view of the phenomenon. Light simply dispersed as it passed through some medium and so lost some or all of its directional character. The scattering of waves implied a general diffusion, a randomizing of the original directionality. The sky is blue because the molecules of the atmosphere scatter the blue wavelengths more than the others; the blue seems to come from everywhere in the sky. The scattering of particles encouraged a more precise visualization: actual billiard-ball collisions and recoils. A single particle could scatter another. Indeed, the scattering of a very few particles would soon become the salient experiment of modern physics.

  That clouds scattered sunlight was obvious. Close up, each wavering water droplet must shimmer with light both reflected and refracted, and the passage of the light from one drop to the next must be another kind of diffusion. A well-organized education in science fosters the illusion that when problems are easy to state and set up mathematically they are then easy to solve. For Feynman the cloud-scattering problem helped disperse the illusion. It seemed as primitive as any of hundreds of problems set out in his textbooks. It had the childlike quality that marks so many fundamental questions. It came just one step past the question of why we see clouds at all: water molecules scatter light perfectly well when they are floating as vapor, yet the light grows much whiter and more intense when the vapor condenses, because the molecules come so close together that their tiny electric fields can resonate in phase with one another to multiply the effect. Feynman tried to understand also what happened to the direction of the scattered light, and he discovered something that he could not believe at first. When the light emerges from the cloud again, caroming off billions of droplets, seemingly smeared to a ubiquitous gray, it actually retains some memory of its original direction. One foggy day he looked at a building far away across the river in Boston and saw its outline, faint but still sharp, diminished in contrast but not in focus. He thought: the mathematics worked after all.

  Feynman of Course Is Jewish

  Feynman’s probing reached the edge of known science. His scattering calculations had immediate application to a problem that was troubling one of his professors, Manuel S. Vallarta, concerning cosmic rays. These had become a major issue. Not just specialists but also the public worried about these unknown rays of unknown origin, streaming through space at high energies and entering the atmosphere, where they left trails of electric charge. This ionization first gave their pres
ence away. It occurred to scientists just before the turn of the century that the atmosphere, left alone, ought not to conduct electricity. Now scientists were sending forth ray-detecting equipment on ships, aircraft, and balloons all around the globe, but especially in the neighborhood of Pasadena, California, where Robert Millikan and Carl Anderson had made the California Institute of Technology the nation’s focal point of cosmic ray research. Later it began to become clear that the term was a catchall for a variety of particles with different sources. In the thirties the detective work meant trying to understand which of the universe’s constituents might emit them and which might influence their timing and direction as seen from earth. At MIT Vallarta was puzzling over how cosmic rays might be scattered by the magnetic fields of the galaxy’s stars, just as cloud droplets scatter sunlight. Whether cosmic rays came from inside or outside the galaxy, should the scattering effect bias their apparent direction toward or away from the main body of the Milky Way? Feynman’s work produced a negative answer: neither. The net effect of the scattering was zero. If cosmic rays seemed to come from all directions, it was not because the stars’ interference disguised their original orientation. They wrote this up together for publication as a letter to the Physical Review—Feynman’s first published work. Unrevolutionary though the item was, its reasoning turned on a provocative and clever idea: that the probability of a particle’s emerging from a clump of scattering matter in a certain direction must be equivalent to the probability of an antiparticle’s taking the reverse path. From the antiparticle’s point of view, time was running backward.

  Vallarta let his student in on a secret of mentor-protégé publishing: the senior scientist’s name comes first. Feynman had his revenge a few years later, when Heisenberg concluded an entire book on cosmic rays with the phrase, “such an effect is not to be expected according to Vallarta and Feynman.” When they next met, Feynman asked gleefully whether Vallarta had seen Heisenberg’s book. Vallarta knew why Feynman was grinning. “Yes,” he replied. “You’re the last word in cosmic rays.”

  Feynman had developed an appetite for new problems—any problems. He would stop people he knew in the corridor of the physics building and ask what they were working on. They quickly discovered that the question was not the usual small talk. Feynman pushed for details. He caught one classmate, Monarch Cutler, in despair. Cutler had taken on a senior thesis problem based on an important discovery in 1938 by two professors in the optics laboratory. They found that they could transform the refracting and reflecting qualities of lenses by evaporating salts onto them, forming very thin coatings, just a few atoms thick. Such coatings became essential to reducing unwanted glare in the lenses of cameras and telescopes. Cutler was supposed to find a way of calculating what happened when different thin films were applied, one atop another. His professors wondered, for example, whether there was a way to make exceedingly pure color filters, passing only light of a certain wavelength. Cutler was stymied. Classical optics should have sufficed—no peculiarly quantum effects came into play—but no one had ever analyzed the behavior of light passing through a parade of mostly transparent films thinner than a single wavelength. Cutler told Feynman he could find no literature on the subject. He did not know where to start. A few days later Feynman returned with the solution: a formula summing an infinite series of reflections back and forth from the inner surfaces of the coatings. He showed how the combinations of refraction and reflection would affect the phase of the light, changing its color. Using Feynman’s theory and many hours on the Marchant calculator, Cutler also found a way to make the color filters his professors wanted.

  Developing a theory for reflection by multiple-layer thin films was not so different for Feynman from math team in the now-distant past of Far Rockaway. He could see, or feel, the intertwined infinities of the problem, the beam of light resonating back and forth between the pair of surfaces, and then the next pair, and so on, and he had a giant mental kit bag of formulas to try out. Even when he was fourteen he had manipulated series of continued fractions the way a pianist practices scales. Now he had an intuition for the translating of formulas into physics and back, a feeling for the rhythms or the spaces or the forces that a given set of symbols implied. In his senior year the mathematics department asked him to join a team of three entrants to the nation’s most difficult and prestigious mathematics contest, the Putnam competition, then in its second year. (The top five finishers are named as Putnam Fellows and one receives a scholarship at Harvard.) The problems were intricate exercises in calculus and algebraic manipulation; no one was expected to complete them all satisfactorily in the allotted time. In some years the median has been zero—more than half the entrants fail to solve a single problem. One of Feynman’s fraternity brothers was surprised to see him return home while the examination was still going on. Feynman learned later that the scorers had been astounded by the gap between his result and the next four. Harvard sounded him out about the scholarship, but he told them he had already decided to go elsewhere: to Princeton.

  His first thought had been to remain at MIT. He believed that no other American institution rivaled it and he said so to his department chairman. Slater had heard this before from loyal students whose provincial world contained nothing but Boston and the Tech, or the Bronx and the Tech, or Flatbush and the Tech. He told Feynman flatly that he would not be allowed back as a graduate student—for his own good.

  Slater and Morse communicated directly with their colleagues at Princeton in January 1939, signaling that Feynman was something special. One said his record was “practically perfect,” the other that he had been “the best undergraduate student we have had in the Physics Department for five years at least.” At Princeton, when Feynman’s name came up in the deliberations of the graduate admissions committee, the phrase “diamond in the rough” kept materializing out of the wash of conversation. The committee had seen its share of one-sided applicants but had never before admitted a student with such low scores in history and English on the Graduate Record Examination. Feynman’s history score was in the bottom fifth, his literature score in the bottom sixth; and 93 percent of those who took the test had given better answers about fine arts. His physics and mathematics scores were the best the committee had seen. In fact the physics score was perfect.

  Princeton had another problem with Feynman, as the head of its department, H. D. Smyth, made clear to Morse. “One question always arises, particularly with men interested in theoretical physics,” Smyth wrote.

  Is Feynman Jewish? We have no definite rule against Jews but have to keep their proportion in our department reasonably small because of the difficulty of placing them.

  By March no word had come and Slater was concerned enough to write Smyth again, collegially: “Dear Harry … definitely the best undergraduate we have had for a number of years … first-rate both in matters of scholarship and personality …” The recommendation was formal and conventional, but in a handwritten postscript that would not appear on the carbon copies Slater got to the point: “Feynman of course is Jewish …” He wanted to assure Smyth there were mitigating circumstances:

  … but as compared for instance with Kanner and Eisenbud he is more attractive personally by several orders of magnitude. We’re not trying to get rid of him—we want to keep him, and privately hope you won’t give him anything. But he apparently has decided to go to Princeton. I guarantee you’ll like him if he does.

  Morse, too, reported that Feynman’s “physiognomy and manner, however, show no trace of this characteristic and I do not believe the matter will be any great handicap.”

  On the eve of the Second World War institutional anti-Semitism remained a barrier in American science, and a higher barrier for graduate schools than colleges. At universities a graduate student, unlike an undergraduate, was as much hired as admitted to a department; he would be paid for teaching and research and would be on a track for promotion. Furthermore, graduate departments considered themselves responsible t
o the industries they fed, and the industrial companies that conducted most research in the applied sciences were largely closed to Jews. “We know perfectly well that names ending in ‘berg’ or ‘stein’ have to be skipped,” the chairman of Harvard’s chemistry department, whose name was Albert Sprague Coolidge, said in 1946. Admissions quotas had been imposed broadly in the twenties and thirties, with immigrant children seeking admission to college in greater numbers. The case against Jews rarely had to be articulated. It was understood that their striving, their pushiness, smelled of the tenement. It was unseemly. “They took obvious pride in their academic success… . We despised the industry of those little Jews,” a Harvard Protestant wrote in 1920. Thomas Wolfe, himself despising the ambition of “the Jew boy,” nevertheless understood the attraction of the scientific career: “Because, brother, he is burning in the night. He sees the class, the lecture room, the shining apparatus of gigantic laboratories, the open field of scholarship and pure research, certain knowledge and the world distinction of an Einstein name.” It was also understood that a professor needed a certain demeanor to work well with students; that Jews were often soft-spoken and diffident or, contradictorily, so brilliant as to be impatient and insensitive. In the close, homogenous university communities, code words were attractive or nice. Even the longtime chairman of J. Robert Oppenheimer’s department at the University of California at Berkeley, Raymond T. Birge, was quoted as saying of Oppenheimer, “New York Jews flocked out here to him, and some were not as nice as he was.”

  Feynman, as a New York Jew distinctly uninterested in either the faith or the sociology of Judaism, did not give voice to any awareness of anti-Semitism. Princeton did accept him, and from then on he never had occasion to worry about the contingencies of academic hiring. Still, when he was at MIT, the Bell Telephone Laboratories turned him down for summer jobs year after year, despite recommendations by William Shockley, Bell’s future Nobel laureate. Bell was an institution that hired virtually no Jewish scientists before the war. Birge himself eventually had an opportunity to hire Feynman for Berkeley: a frustrated Oppenheimer was recommending him urgently, but Birge put off a decision for two years, until it was too late. In the first case anti-Semitism may have played the deciding role; in the second case perhaps a smaller role. If Feynman ever suspected that his religion might have shifted the path of his career, he declined to say so.