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American Aurora

Page 36

by Richard N. Rosenfeld


  Common Sense attacks the fundamental structure of British governance, the British constitution itself, condemning monarchy, nobility, hereditary succession, class privilege, royal prerogative, and feudal servitude. It urges freedom from Britain (independence) not to obtain the “ordered liberty” of English subjects under a king and titled aristocracy, nor to obtain freedom from mercantilist restrictions, freedom of property, freedom of trade, or freedom of enterprise (which America’s affluent particularly desire). Tom Paine urges freedom from Britain to secure an American democracy, to achieve political freedom and equality for every citizen. Freedom from Britain (independence), freedom of trade or property (free enterprise), the freedom of English subjects (“ordered liberty”), and the freedom of democracy (equality) are different “freedoms,” and Common Sense urges democratic freedom as the basis for an American Revolution.

  As Tom Paine turns America’s discussion from property rights to democratic rights, from British rights to equal rights, every American—not especially the merchant, propertied, or upper class—becomes a stakeholder.760 From Common Sense:

  I know it is difficult to get over local or long standing prejudices, yet if we will suffer ourselves to examine the component parts of the English Constitution, we shall find them to be the base remains of two ancient tyrannies, compounded with some new Republican [popular] materials.

  First.—The remains of monarchical tyranny in the person of the king.

  Secondly.—The remains of aristocratical tyranny in the persons of the peers [House of Lords].

  Thirdly.—The new Republican [popular] materials, in the persons of the [House of] Commons, on whose virtue depends the freedom of England.

  The two first, by being hereditary, are independent of the people; wherefore in a constitutional sense they contribute nothing toward the freedom of the state …

  Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent [improper] circumstance.

  To say that the Constitution of England is a union of three powers, reciprocally checking each other is farcical …

  As the exalting one man [the king] so greatly above the rest cannot be justified on the equal rights of nature, so neither can it be defended on the authority of scripture; for the will of the Almighty, as declared by Gideon and the prophet Samuel, expressly disapproves of government by kings …

  To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and, as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, so the second claimed as a matter of right is an insult and imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others for ever …

  For ’tis the republican and not the monarchical part of the Constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz. the liberty of choosing an House of Commons from out of their body …

  Where there are no distinctions, there can be no superiority; perfect equality affords no temptation …761

  If America is to choose democracy (as opposed to monarchy or aristocracy), how should America structure its state and national governments? Tom Paine’s idea of government is simple and very democratic:

  If there is any true cause of fear respecting independence, it is because no plan [of government] is yet laid out. Men do not see their way out. Wherefore, as an opening into that business, I offer the following …

  Let the assemblies [in each colony] be annual, with a president [of the assembly] only. The representation more equal, wholly domestic, and subject to the authority of a [Federal] Continental Congress.

  Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to [a Continental] Congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number of Congress will be at least 390. Each Congress to sit and choose a President by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which let the Congress choose (by ballot) a President from out of the delegates of that province. In the next Congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only [&c.] …

  Always remembering, that our strength is continental, not provincial. Securing freedom and property to all men, and above all things the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of conscience …

  But where, say some, is the king of America? I’ll tell you, friend, he reigns above and doth not make havoc of mankind like the royal brute of Great Britain … For as in absolute governments the king is law, so in free countries, the law is king; and there ought to be no other…

  A government of our own is our natural right …762

  Ben Franklin had a considerable share in Common Sense—in motivating Tom Paine to write it and in furnishing materials.763 He received the first copy.764 Common Sense advocates the same structure of democratic government that Ben Franklin favors, i.e., a single-chamber legislature tied to the broadest possible suffrage, an executive chosen from and completely dependent upon that legislature, equal representation of citizens regardless of property ownership, representation of states in direct proportion to their populations, small congressional districts and yearly elections to keep delegates known by and constantly accountable to their local constituencies.

  John Adams objects:

  In the course of this winter appeared a Phenomenon in Philadelphia a Star of Disaster, [a] Disastrous Meteor, I mean Thomas Paine. He came from England, and got into such company as would converse with him, and ran about picking up what Information he could concerning our affairs, and finding the great question was concerning Independence, he gleaned from those he saw the common-place arguments, such as the necessity of independence at some time or other; the peculiar fitness at this time; the justice of it; the provocation to it, our ability to maintain it, &c. &c … In the latter part of the winter … he came out with his pamphlet …

  The arguments in favor of independence I liked very well; but one third part of the Book was filled with Arguments from the old Testament to prove the Unlawfulness of Monarchy, and another third in planning a form of government for the separate states in one assembly and [a similar form of government] for the United States in a Congress. His Arguments [against monarchy] from the old Testament were ridiculous … The other third part relative to a form of Government I considered as flowing from simply Ignorance and a mere desire to please the democratic Party … I regretted to see so foolish a plan recommended to the People of the United States, who were all waiting only for the countenance of Congress to institute their State governments. I dreaded the effect so popular a pamphlet might have among the people and determined to do all in my power to counteract the effect of it. My continual Occupations in Congress allowed me no time to write any thing of any Length; but I found moments to write a small pamphlet … under the title of “Thoughts on Government, in a letter from a gentleman to his friend.”765

  Sunday, January 14, 1776. Today, George Washington writes the president of the Continental Congress:

  I am exceedingly sorry that I am under the necessity of applying to you & calling the attention of Congress to the State of our Arms which is truly alarming … I gave it in orders that the Arms of such men as did not reinlist should be (or such of them as were good) retained … But Sir I find with much concern that from the badness of the Arms & the disobedience of too many in bearing them off without a previous inspection that very few were collected … I hope It is in the power of Congress to afford us relief; If it is not, what must, what can be done?766

  Today, from Cambridge, Washington also writes his military secretary, Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Reed, who is in Philadelphia:

  We are now without any Money in our treasury, Powder in our Magazines, Arms in Our Stores …

  Our Inlistments are at a stand [still] …

  [S]o many [arms] have been carried off, partly by stealth, but chiefly as condemn’d, that we have not at this time
100 Guns in the Stores …

  How to get furnish’d I know not. I have applied to this and the Neighboring Colonies, but with what success time only can tell … Few People know the Predicament we are In, on a thousand Accts; fewer still will believe, if any disaster happens to these Lines, from what causes it flows …

  Could I have forseen the difficulties which have come upon us— could I have known that such a backwardness would have been discoverd in the old Soldiers to the Service, all the Generals upon Earth should not have convinced me of the propriety of delaying an attack upon Boston till this time. When it can now be attempted I will not undertake to say …767

  Monday, January 22, 1776. Since Ben Franklin left London for America, his former deputy, Arthur Lee, has been meeting with another French secret agent, Caron de Beaumarchais, who is also a famous playwright (The Barber of Seville and The Marriage of Figaro). Today, Beaumarchais submits a very personal and very secret proposal to the King of France:

  To the King Only.

  Sire.—When considerations of State impel you to extend a helping hand to the Americans, Policy requires that your Majesty proceed with such caution that aid secretly conveyed to America may not become in Europe a brand to kindle strife between France and England … Moreover, since the present state of finances does not at once permit of as great an expenditure as events seem to require, it is my duty, Sire, to submit to your judgment the following plan, having for its principal object, under the semblance of a purely commercial affair, to remove all suspicion that your Majesty or your Council are at all interested in the matter …

  The unvarying impression … should be the delusion that your majesty has nothing to do with it, but that a Company is about to entrust a certain sum to the prudence of a trusted agent to furnish continuous aid to the Americans … in exchange for returns in the shape of tobacco. Secrecy is the essence of the rest …

  Your Majesty will begin by placing one million at the disposal of your agent, who will style himself Roderique Hortalez and Company, this being the signature and title of the firm under which I have agreed to conduct the entire business …

  [I]n procuring powder and in conveying it without delay to the Americans … the real device of the operation consist[s], as Roderique Hortalez hopes, in secretly procuring, with the sanction of your majesty, all necessary powder and saltpetre of your Registrars, on a basis of from four to six sols a pound …

  [I]f the assets in tobacco and the sale of this return proceed as I have indicated, your Majesty can soon recommence, by the hand of Hortalez, the redistribution of the three millions arising from the sale and profit of these returns, and begin the operation anew on a larger scale …

  Such is the scheme that I submit to your Majesty … In case your Majesty does not adopt it, I shall, at least, be credited with having again shown in your service a zeal as extended as my experience and as active and pure as it is unalterable.768

  Today, American General Horatio Gates writes George Washington’s second in command, General Charles Lee:

  There is a Pamphlet come by Irwin [General William Irvine] from Philadelphia, entitled “Common Sense”—it is an excellent performance—I think our friend Franklin has been principally concern’d in the Composition.769

  Thursday, January 25, 1776. At the direction of Congress, Colonel Henry Knox has heroically hauled cannon and other artillery from Ticonderoga (captured well before George Washington became commander in chief) across the winter wilderness to the outskirts of Boston. Today, John Adams writes,

  [W]e rode to Framingham, where we dined. Colonel Buckminster, after Dinner, shewed us the Train of Artillery brought down from Ticonderoga by Colonel Knox. It consists of Iron, 9 Eighteen Pounders, 10 Twelve, 6 Six, 4 Nine Pounders; three 13 inch mortars, Two Ten Inch Mortars; one Eight Inch and one six and an half howitz; and one eight inch and a half, and one eight. Brass Cannon. eight Three Pounders, one four pounder; 2 six pounders, one Eighteen Pounder, and one Twenty-four Pounder. One eight Inch and an half Mortar, one Seven Inch and a half dtto, and five Cohorns.770

  Friday, February 9, 1776. Today, George Washington writes the Continental Congress:

  I have tried every Method I could think of to procure Arms for our men. They realy are not to be had … [T]here are near 2000 men now in Camp without firelocks …771

  Saturday, February 10, 1776. Today, George Washington observes to his military secretary, Colonel Joseph Reed:

  I know the unhappy predicament I stand in. I know that much is expected of me; I know that without Men, without Arms, without Ammunition, without any thing fit for the accommodation of a Soldier that little is to be done; and which is mortifying, I know, that I cannot stand justified to the World without exposing my own Weakness & injuring the cause by declaring my wants … In short my Situation has been such that I have been oblig’d to use art to conceal it from my own Officers. The Congress, as you observe, expect, I believe, that I should do more …772

  Sunday, February 11, 1776. The lack of arms and ammunition remains critical. Spears are in limited use. Should bows and arrows be added? Today, Benjamin Franklin writes George Washington’s second in command, General Charles Lee:

  We have got in a large Quantity of Saltpetre [to make gun powder] 120 Ton, and 30 more expected. Powdermills are now wanting. I believe we must set to work and make it by hand. But I still wish with you that Pikes could be introduc’d; and I would add Bows and Arrows. Those were good weapons, not wisely laid aside. 1. Because a Man may shoot as truly with a Bow as with a common Musket. 2. He can discharge 4 arrows in the time of charging and discharging one Bullet. 3. His Object is not taken from his View by the Smoke of his own Side. 4. A Flight of Arrows, seen coming upon them, terrifies and disturbs the Enemy’s Attention to his Business. 5. An Arrow sticking in any Part of a Man puts him hors du Combat ’till ’tis extracted. 6. Bows and Arrows are more easily provided every where than Muskets and Ammunition.773

  Sunday, February 18, 1776. Today, George Washington writes the Continental Congress:

  The late freezing Weather having formed some pretty strong Ice … and consequently a less dangerous Approach to the Town, I could not help thinking, notwithstanding the Militia were not all come in, and we had little or no Powder to begin our Operation by a regular Cannonade and Bombardment, that a bold & resolute assault upon the Troops in Boston … might be crown’d with success; and therefore, seeing no certain prospect of a Supply of Powder … I called the General Officers together for their opinion …774

  George Washington agrees with his generals not to attack Boston. Benny Bache will (as an adult) write:

  As to holding the lines before Boston, Mr. Washington found his countrymen posted in them; and he has not much to boast in having suffered the enemy to continue in that city for eight months and an half, after he had the command in that quarter.775

  Monday, February 26, 1776. Today, George Washington writes the Continental Congress:

  We are making every necessary preparation for taking possession of Dorchester Heights as soon as possible with a view of drawing the Enemy out … I should think, If any thing will Induce them to hazard an engagement, It will be our attempting to fortifye these heights; as on that event’s taking place, we shall be able to command a great part of the Town, and almost the whole harbour…

  Within three or four days I have received sundry accounts from Boston of such [British] movements there, such as taking the Mortars from Bunker Hill, the putting them with several Pieces of Heavy Ordinance on board of Ship, with a quantity of Bedding, the Ships all taking in Water, the baking a large quantity of Biscuit, &c, as to Indicate an embarkation of the Troops from thence … [T]he Inhabitants of the Town generally believe that they are about to remove …776

  Tuesday, February 27, 1776. Today, the French royal court at Versailles receives French spy Achard de Bonvouloir’s report of his conversations with Benjamin Franklin at the end of December.777

  Friday, March 8, 1776. Today, four Select Men of Bost
on memorialize discussions they’ve had with the British concerning the anticipated British evacuation of Boston:

  As his Excellency [British] General Howe is determined to leave the Town with the Troops under his Command, a Number of the Respectable Inhabitants being very anxious for its preservation & Safety have Applyed to [British] General Robertson for this purpose, who at their request has communicated the same to his Excellency Genl. Howe, who has assured him that he has no intention of destroying the Town Unless the troops under his Command are molested during their Embarkation or at their departure by the Armed force without … If such an Opposition should take place, we have the greatest reason to expect the Town will be exposed to Intire destruction …

  John Scollay, Timo. Newell,

  Thos Marshall, Samuel Austin778

  George Washington will tacitly honor this agreement. The British army will depart Boston with all their arms and without a fight.

  Tuesday, March 12, 1776. Today, in France, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Comte de Vergennes, presents to King Louis XVI his thoughts on how to deal with Britain and the rebellious American colonies:

  [I]t is problematic whether [France] should desire the subjection or the independence of the English colonies … [France is] threatened in either hypothesis with dangers it is not perhaps in the power of human foresight to anticipate or to avert …

  [T]he lively preference which the King … [has] for the preservation of peace seems to prescribe measured steps …

  1st. We must avoid compromising ourselves … 2nd. We must not flatter ourselves, nevertheless, that the most absolute and vigorous inaction will guarantee us from all suspicion … The English … will always believe that we are not allowing such a good opportunity of injuring them to escape … 3rd. the continuation of the war, at least for a year, appears desirable … because the English army, weakened by her victories or her defeats, will not be in a condition to undertake a vigorous enterprise [elsewhere, as against France] … 4th. the most assured means of attaining this end would be, on the one hand, to keep the English Ministry persuaded that the intentions of France … are pacific … whilst on the other hand, we should sustain the courage of the Americans by some secret favours and by vague hopes that would prevent the steps which it is sought to induce them to take for a reconciliation and that would contribute to cause those ideas of independence to burst forth, which as yet are only secretly budding among them …

 

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