Archive of Hope

by Milk, Harvey

  The initiative plays upon fears that homosexual teachers will automatically molest their students or will serve as “Role Models” with the result that their students will somehow become homosexual.

  These assumptions are false.

  Statistics available from the California Highway Patrol, the Los Angeles Police Department and the San Francisco Police Department show that more than 90 percent of child molestations are committed by heterosexuals, often members of the child’s family.

  The belief that homosexual teachers by their mere existence will serve as “Role Models” and thus alter the sexual orientation of their students is also unjustified. According to psychologists, a child’s sexual orientation is determined during its pre-school years and the significant “Role Models” are the mother and father.

  Every child is born of heterosexual parents and raised in a strongly heterosexual environment. The natural inclination of children to become heterosexual is further supported by their peer group. Nevertheless, 7-10% of children become homosexual, strong heterosexual “Role Models” having no effect. Likewise, the occasional exposure of a heterosexual child to a homosexual teacher will have no effect.

  The initiative ignores the fact that California and its various municipalities already have laws concerning the molesting of children and these laws are rigidly enforced. The initiative also ignores the fact that classroom behavior which violates good taste and judgment is subject to censure by school authorities.

  Besides the above, the initiative is pernicious and dangerous for the following reasons:

  —It attempts to regulate a profession on moral grounds which have nothing to do with the profession itself. If passed, it would establish a dangerous precedent.

  —It denies the rights of free speech to a substantial number of the State’s citizens, forbidding them the right to even discuss homosexuality outside the classroom as well as in.

  —It subjects every teacher in the state, heterosexual as well as homosexual, to blackmail. An accusation by a student that he or she overheard a teacher discussing homosexuality could lead to an automatic 30-day suspension.

  —It raises the specter of a McCarthy-style witch-hunt in determining who may or may not be a homosexual.

  —It allows further government intrusion into people’s private lives and will cost every taxpayer money in administrative costs.

  The initiative is politically inspired, designed to correct a situation that doesn’t exist. It libels the entire teaching profession and limits the rights of free speech for teachers, effectively making third-class citizens of those members of a highly respected profession. For these and other reasons, the initiative has been opposed by both Governor Brown and Attorney General Younger, both Lt. Governor Dymally and Mike Curb, major newspapers such as the Los Angeles Times, the Sacramento Bee and the San Francisco Examiner, most public officials and school officials and labor leaders from all over the state.

  They found this initiative repressive and against the basic principles of our democracy.

  We urge you to vote NO on this initiative and reject the concept of legislation-by-myth with the intent of depriving any minority of the same rights enjoyed by the majority.

  PART FIVE

  Harvey’s Last Words

  45

  “Political Will”

  Tape Cassette Transcription, 18 November 1977

  The final weeks between the defeat of Proposition 6 and the assassinations of Milk and Mayor George Moscone were exhilarating—there was, after all, so much promise in the wake of the Briggs Initiative going down in flames and in the sweet strains of Milk’s swan song that folks could be heard singing across the Castro neighborhood. Liberation seemed possible. The “hope” that Milk talked about so very much had at long last come to bear. However, a number of events also occurred that put a damper, and a near cessation, on the GLBTQ community’s elation. For instance: the emotional unraveling of Board Supervisor Dan White; his resignation from the Board of Supervisors; his strong-armed rescinding of that resignation and appeal for reinstatement; the political jockeying and lobbying that ensued during the interim; his learning from a reporter that Moscone would not reappoint him; his armed entry of City Hall through a basement window; his execution of George Moscone; his execution of Harvey Milk; Board President Dianne Feinstein’s devastating revelation to City Hall employees and reporters, “Mayor Moscone and Supervisor Harvey Milk have been shot . . . and killed. Police have a suspect. Supervisor Dan White.” Much too has been said about Milk’s farsighted fatalism, his longstanding prediction that he’d die early, his preoccupation with the possibility of his assassination, and existential trembling no doubt exacerbated by proliferating death threats. Milk was, in fact, obsessed with his assassination. So much so that he wrote a political will one year before the prophecy of his demise proved true.

  The document below is a partial excerpt from his political will, recorded the year before his assassination. Readers will note a prophetic rhetoric and a palpable soberness as Milk realized he would never make it to the “promised land” with his GLBTQ brothers and sisters despite the successes that he would achieve. Ultimately, he wanted his legacy to live on not in political success, but in the spirit of hope: “And that’s all I ask. That’s all. I ask for the movement to continue.”

  Milk’s political will was recorded on tape in the law offices of his attorney, Walter Caplan. The opening scene in Gus Van Sant’s feature film Milk depicts Milk recording the will at his kitchenette—a Hollywood embellishment.

  . . .

  This is Harvey Milk speaking on Friday, November 18. This is tape two. This is to be played only in the event of my death by assassination. I’ve given long and considerable thought to this, not just since the election. I’ve been thinking about this for some time prior to election and certainly over the years. I fully realize that a person who stands for what I stand for—a gay activist—becomes the target of potential target for a person who is insecure, terrified, afraid, or very disturbed themselves. Knowing that I could be assassinated at any moment or any time, I feel it’s important that some people should understand my thoughts. So the following are my thoughts, my wishes, my desires, whatever. I’d like to pass them on and played for the appropriate people. The first and most obvious concern is that if I was to be shot and killed, the mayor has the power, George Moscone’s, of appointing my successor to the Board of Supervisors. I know there will be great pressures on him from various factions, so I’d like to let him know what my thoughts are.

  I stood for more than just a candidate. I think there was a strong differential between somebody like Rick Stokes and myself. I have never considered myself a candidate. I have always considered myself part of a movement, part of a candidacy. I’ve considered the movement the candidate. I think there’s a delineation between those who use the movement and those who are part of the movement. I think I was always part of the movement. And I think that. I wish I had time to explain almost everything I did. Almost everything that was done with an eye on the gay movement.

  I would suggest and urge and hope that the mayor would understand that distinction and that he would appoint somebody to my position who also came from the movement rather than used the movement or never understood the movement. I think those people who actively opposed me—the Jim Fosters, Rick Stokeses, Jo Dalys, Doug de Youngs—those people never understood the movement. I’m not saying they’re against it. They just never understood it. They used it. Maybe willingly, maybe unwillingly, but they never understood what it was about. I think those who remained in silence—the Frank Fitches, not wishing to play sides—never understood the movement. That silence is sometimes worse than speaking out. I would hope that the mayor would understand that appointing somebody who actively opposed me or subtly opposed me or kept quiet, stuck their head in the sand, would be an insult to everything I stood for, would be an affront to the campaigns and the people who worked.

  I would hope he would give cons
ideration, strong consideration, only to people who came from the movement. I’ve talked to several people and they know my thoughts, so I put them on tape so there’s no doubt in anybody’s mind about my thoughts. There are some people I definitely have in mind who I would like the mayor to consider.

  The first person I would have is a gentleman by the name of Frank Robinson, who is quite an author in his own right. Frank even more so knows my thought processes. Not only has he read everything I’ve written and helped rewrite major pieces, but Frank is the one who almost daily we had conversations on various points of thinking and philosophies. So he knows my thoughts as well. He understands how I arrived at the decisions and he played devil’s advocate time and time again. So if there’s anyone who knows me from the depth of the intellect and emotions, it’s Frank Robinson. And I think being who he is, he has that incredible ability to express himself clearly and concisely and if there were any problems, he would be able to carry on the philosophy and idea of what I stood for.

  If there’s some reason Frank is not the choice, the next consideration I would hope the mayor would give would be to Bob Ross. Bob has read everything I’ve written in the past four years and also has carried on extensive dealings with me and also has the ability to get along with a lot more people than I can, which is also going to be needed. And Bob is a strong person that will not bend and that’s vital. You cannot have a weak person—the Rick Stokes types, the professional lawyers. The first few gay people must be strong. That doesn’t mean obstinate or uncompromising, but they must be strong.

  The third choice would be Harry Britt, who most people don’t know. But I’ve watched Harry and Harry’s been involved with three campaigns. He knows where I am. I’ve watched Harry grow and grow and grow and become more articulate. Some people may find him wrong because he is somewhat emotional, but by God, what fabulous emotions! And he’s a very, very dedicated and strong person and will not be pushed around. One that understands what the movement is and where it must go. Some day it will be there anyhow.

  A fourth possibility is a person who is younger, newer, and learning every day. It’s the woman who put my campaign together. Anne Kronenberg, who is strong. Who understands and learns fast and thinks fast. And would add a spirit, being a gay woman, that the others cannot add. And I think that would be an outstanding choice.

  And I hope the mayor would understand that in cases like this, the tradition has been to replace a person who has been assassinated with someone who is close to the candidate in thought, rather than somebody who actively or quietly opposed the candidate. And it’s important that it happens. I cannot urge the mayor strongly enough to hear what I’m saying. I think that if he did that, he would be gaining a tremendous amount of support.

  The other aspect of the tapes is the obvious of what would happen should there be an assassination. I cannot prevent some people from feeling angry and frustrated and mad, but I hope they will take that frustration and that madness instead of demonstrating or anything of that type, I would hope that they would take the power and I would hope that five, ten, one hundred, a thousand would rise. I would like to see every gay lawyer, every gay architect come out, stand up and let the world know. That would do more to end prejudice overnight than anybody could imagine. I urge them to do that, urge them to come out. Only that way will we start to achieve our rights.

  I hope there are no religious services. I would hope there are no services of any type, but I know some people are into that and you can’t prevent it from happening, but, God, nothing religious. Until the churches speak out against the Anita Bryants who have been playing gymnastics with the Bible, the churches which remain so quiet have the guts to speak out in the name of Judaism or Christianity or whatever they profess to be for in words but not actions and deeds. God—and that’s the irony. God—churches don’t even know what it’s about. I would turn over in my grave if there was any kind of religious ceremony. And it’s not a disbelief in God—it’s a disbelief and disgust of what most churches are about. How many leaders got up in their pulpits and went to Miami and said, “Anita, you’re playing gymnastics with the Bible—you’re desecrating the Bible.” How many of them said it? How many of them hid and walked away? Ducked their heads in the name of Christianity and talked about love and brotherhood.

  No services whatsoever. If anything, play that tape of Briggs and I, which is somewhere in the cabinet in the back—the file cabinet. Just play that tape of Briggs and I over and over again so people can know what an evil man he is. So people know what our Hitler is like. So people know that where the ideas of hate come from. So they know what the future will bring if they’re not careful.

  And that’s all I ask. That’s all. I ask for the movement to continue, for the movement to grow because last week, I got a phone call from Altoona, Pennsylvania, and my election gave somebody else, one more person, hope. And after all it’s what this is all about. It’s not about personal gain, not about ego, not about power—it’s about giving those young people out there in the Altoona, Pennsylvania’s hope. You gotta give them hope.

  Document List

  As editors, our goal has been to reproduce Harvey Milk’s words in their “original” form, transcribed directly from his typed, hand-written papers, or published speeches, letters, editorials, columns, and interviews. We have erred on the side of leaving Milk’s inscriptions largely alone when it came to our copyediting, which means that in some instances the reader will encounter his idiosyncratic sentence constructions and typographical peculiarities. In doing so, we believe we faithfully have preserved his rhetorical signature and style, which of course had so much to do with his politics. Any “translation” errors are our own.

  “Interview with Harvey Milk,” interview, Davidlee Rinker, Kalendar (San Francisco), August 17, 1973, pp. 1, 19, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 3, Series 2a.

  Harvey Milk, “Address to the San Francisco Chapter of the National Women’s Political Caucus,” speech, September 5, 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 26, 73-78, clippings.

  Harvey Milk, “Address to the Joint International Longshoremen & Warehousemen’s Union of San Francisco and to the Lafayette Club,” speech, September 30, 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.

  Harvey Milk, “An Open Letter to the Mayor of San Francisco,” public letter, September 22, 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 26, 73-78, clippings.

  Harvey Milk, “MUNI/Parking Garage,” press release, September 27, 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 26, 73-78, clippings.

  Harvey Milk, “Alfred Seniora,” press release, September 28, 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 26, 73-78, clippings.

  Harvey Milk, “Who Really Represents You,” campaign flyer, September 1973, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 26, 73-78, clippings.

  Harvey Milk, “Milk Note,” column, 1 February 1974, “Insider” (section), Vector (Newsletter of Society for Individual Rights, San Francisco), reprinted in San Francisco Crusader, December 5, 1978, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.

  Harvey Milk, “Anyone Can Be a Movie Critic: How Not to Find Leadership,” editorial, San Francisco Crusader, February 1974, reprinted in San Francisco Crusader, December 5, 1978.

  Harvey Milk, “Open Letter to the City of San Francisco Hall of Justice on Police Brutality,” public letter, February 14, 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.
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  Harvey Milk, “Where I Stand,” article draft, “Waves from the Left” (section), Sentinel (San Francisco) March 28, 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d. Published in the Sentinel, March 28, 1974, p. 5.

  Harvey Milk, “Where There is No Victim, There is No Crime,” press release, April 1, 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.

  Harvey Milk, “Political Power” article draft, “Waves from the Left” (section), Sentinel (San Francisco), May 23, 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d. Published in the Sentinel, May 23, 1974, p. 5.

  Harvey Milk, “Letter to the San Francisco Chronicle Concerning Anti-Gay Editorials,” letter draft, July 1, 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.

  Harvey Milk, “Library or Performing Arts Center?” press release, 4 December 1974, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 9, Series 2d.

  Harvey Milk, “Au Contraire . . . PCR Needed,” column, “Milk Forum” (section), Bay Area Reporter, February 6, 1975, pp. 11-12, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 3, Series 2a.

  Harvey Milk, “Harvey Milk for Supervisor,” campaign letter, February 26, 1975, James C. Hormel Gay & Lesbian Center of the San Francisco Public Library, GLC35, Milk-Smith Collection, Box 3, Series 2a.