The Trillion-Dollar Conspiracy: How the New World Order, Man-Made Diseases, and Zombie Banks Are Destroying America

by Jim Marrs

  In case doubts remain that the government is building and maintaining internment camps, the U.S. Army advertised jobs in 2009 for “internment/resettlement specialists.” These “specialists,” according to an army description, “are primarily responsible for day-to-day operations in a military confinement/correctional facility or detention/internment facility. I/R Specialists provide rehabilitative, health, welfare, and security to U.S. military prisoners within a confinement or correctional facility; conduct inspections; prepare written reports; and coordinate activities of prisoners/internees and staff personnel.”

  Why are all these specialists needed? Clearly, there is no pressing need for additional personnel to intern or resettle the mere handful of al Qaeda members caught to date. Citizens should ask themselves who the quarantine centers are being prepared for and what sort of resettlement program these specialists will administer.

  AMERICAN POLICE FORCE

  ADDING TO CONCERNS OVER a police state presided over by FEMA or the military came word of what appeared to be the growth of private security contractors, similar to Blackwater (now Xe Services, LLC) and DynCorp.

  In September 2009, representatives from the American Police Force (APF) held a news conference to announce plans to create a $27 million high-security prison and police training facility in Hardin, Montana. A spokesperson declined to name the force’s parent company. “Confusion and secrecy about American Police Force has grown during the last few weeks,” noted reporters Nick Lough and Katie Ussin of KURL8 TV News. “While they gave details for the site, other questions went unanswered. Where will the prisoners come from? What experience does APF have in prisoners and training police officers?”

  APF spokesperson Becky Shay denied there was any secrecy involved. “APF has been here for 10 months but it has never been stealth,” said Shay, who had only days before taken the job of APF public relations director after covering the detention facility story for the Billings Gazette. Shay assured the media that the private police group would not house terror suspects from Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, a rumor that persisted in the area after the Hardin City Council approved the plan.

  Associated Press reporter Matthew Brown wrote that the Two Rivers Detention Center was promoted “as the largest economic development project in decades in the small town of Hardin when the jail was built two years ago. But it has been vacant ever since.” Brown noted that the bonds used to finance the facility fell into default and that questions had arisen over the legitimacy of the APF.

  “Government contract databases show no record of the company,” wrote Brown. “Security industry representatives and federal officials said they had never heard of it. On its Web site, the company lists as its headquarters a building in Washington near the White House that holds ‘virtual offices.’ A spokeswoman for the building said American Police Force never completed its application to use the address.”

  On its website, the APF claimed to sell assault rifles, weapons, and military supplies internationally while providing security, investigative work, and other services to clients “in all 50 states and most countries.” APF literature also boasted “rapid response units awaiting our orders worldwide” capable of fielding a battalion-size team of special forces soldiers within seventy-two hours.

  Maziar Mafi, a personal injury and medical malpractice attorney who was hired by APF, said APF was a new spin-off of a major security firm founded in 1984. He declined to name the parent firm.

  Oddly, the APF’s logo is the double-headed eagle with fleur-de-lis emblem of the Republic of Serbia. Today, Serbia is a member of the United Nations, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, and the Council of Europe and is a candidate for membership in the European Union. Could there be a connection between the APF and the globalists?

  Writing anonymously due to fear of retaliation, one Hardin resident posted this on the Internet: “We have found out that our little town of Hardin is the ‘test town’ for President Obama’s new law to privatize the police force of local communities. Last night [September 4, 2009], the city council voted to disband our sheriff’s department and to bring in a private security company to police the town. Interestingly, earlier in the day, the mayor when asked in an interview about the privatization of our police department completely denied it and said that would not be done without a council meeting. Then that evening, a council meeting was held in regards to that very thing. At the beginning of this month, our local prison signed an agreement with the American Police Force which is a subsidiary of a larger private security force that the U.S. used in the Iraq war and Hurricane Katrina.

  “Yesterday, a convoy of twelve ‘blacked out’ Mercedes-Benz SUV’s were brought into town. They were already painted with Hardin’s colors and ‘Hardin Police Force’ was already painted on them! Hardin’s sheriff’s department will no longer be in operation after the month of October. During October, the Sheriff’s Department is to train this new security force in all the logistics of running the town of Hardin. If you go on the American Police Force site, you might notice that the logo they use is actually a Russian [Serbian] logo. I have been told that the man who came with this new security force as the captain has a thick Russian accent.”

  The story of Hardin and the APF reached the national media and prompted Montana attorney general Steve Bullock to launch an investigation after it was learned that the man representing the APF, “Captain” Michael Hilton, was a Serbian immigrant with a long list of aliases. Apparently, Hilton had served time in U.S. prisons for fraud and had more than $1 million in judgments against him.

  While the corporate mass media only publicized the jobs that would be created in Hardin and speculated that the APF could be a con, the alternative media noted that the APF claimed to run the U.S. Training Center in Moyock, North Carolina, the same center connected to Blackwater, the controversial recipient of large U.S. government contracts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Officials at Xe/Blackwater tried to distance the company from the APF, stating the force was using its name illegally. Xe spokeswoman Stacy DeLuke said, “It’s bizarre. They have nothing to do with us. We have nothing to do with them.” However, the contact address in Moyock for both the U.S. Training Center (formerly the Blackwater Training Center) and the American Police Force was the same.

  Paul Joseph Watson, a researcher and columnist for talk-show host Alex Jones’s web page, PrisonPlanet.com, wrote, “The fact that APF’s training center plans to recruit foreign assets who could then be patrolling the streets of America bossing U.S. citizens is obviously a frightening prospect, completely unconstitutional, and another reason why APF needs to abandon its plans to act as a private police force completely.”

  William N. Grigg, writing on the Internet blog Pro Libertate, observed there was “something utterly surreal about the Hardin case; it’s as if some kind of martial law melodrama were being played out as an enhanced ‘reality’ program—something like Red Dawn meets Jericho with a touch of the Orson Welles’ ‘War of the Worlds’ broadcast added for good measure.”

  THE POSSE COMITATUS ACT

  LESS THAN A MONTH after the 9/11 attacks, former governor of Pennsylvania Tom Ridge arrived in his new office steps away from the Oval Office of President Bush, the man who created his job. Ridge’s new job was to head up the recently created Office of Homeland Security, which would coordinate forty-six different federal government agencies in an effort to protect the American people from terrorists. From its inception, the position was designed to become a permanent government department.

  By 2006, Ridge had used his power as secretary of the Department of Homeland Security to create a vast network of small suburban and rural counties that had their own Homeland Security departments and that were all answerable to the national department. This concentration of so much power into the DHS under a leader with a controversial past has been cause for concern by many Americans. During the Vietnam War, Tom Ridge participated in the infamous Phoenix Program, a “pacification” program respon
sible for the assassination of forty-five thousand Vietnamese and the torture and abuse of thousands.

  Douglas Valentine, author of The Phoenix Program, wrote in a posting on the website Disinfo.com, “During the Vietnam War, under the CIA’s Phoenix program—which is the model for the Homeland Security Office—a terrorist suspect was anyone accused by one anonymous source. Just one. The suspect was then arrested, indefinitely detained in a CIA interrogation center, tortured until he or she (in some cases children as young as twelve) confessed, informed on others, died, or was brought before a military tribunal (such as Bush is proposing) for disposition.

  “In thousands of cases, innocent people were imprisoned and tortured based on the word of an anonymous informer who had a personal grudge or was actually a Viet Cong double agent feeding the names of loyal citizens into the Phoenix blacklist. At no point in the process did suspects have access to due process or lawyers, and thus, in 1971, four U.S. Congresspersons stated their belief that the Phoenix Program violated that part of the Geneva Conventions guaranteed to protect civilians in time of war….”

  When Ridge was appointed, the White House announced that he would work in conjunction with Bush’s deputy national security adviser, U.S. Army general Wayne Downing. This announcement indicated to the public that the military would play a prominent role in counterterrorism activities. Few thought to ask if this was a violation of the Posse Comitatus Act (PCA), the law that prohibits the U.S. military from conducting law enforcement duties against the American public.

  The PCA has never really been challenged in this nation’s history because it addresses a grievance that was used to proclaim the American Revolution when early colonists were forced to feed and quarter King George’s troops while submitting to the troops’ authority. The act embodies the traditional principle of separation of military and civilian authority, one of the fundamental precepts of a democratic government and a cornerstone of American liberty. Posse Comitatus, Latin for a support group of citizens for law enforcement (i.e., a posse), wasn’t passed until 1878. The act was a direct result of the outrage over Southern states being at the mercy of inept or corrupt military authorities during Reconstruction. The Posse Comitatus Act specifically prohibits most members of the armed services (the Coast Guard is exempted for its coastal protection duties) from exercising police powers on nonfederal property within the United States.

  Posse Comitatus has been slowly shredded since 1981, when Congress allowed an exception to be made for the war on drugs. The military was allowed to be used for drug interdiction along the nation’s borders. This small, and what appeared to be sensible, action at the time soon grew out of proportion. Congress, still unable to come to grips with the true social causes of drug abuse, in 1989 designated the Department of Defense as the lead agency in drug interdiction.

  In the tragedy at Waco on April 19, 1993, military snipers were on hand and General Wesley Clark used tanks from Fort Hood to bulldoze the burning Branch Davidian church. Clark’s command was authorized because federal officials used the pretext that the Davidians were involved with drugs. No evidence of drugs was ever found.

  On April 19, 1995, the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City was bombed, and President Bill Clinton proposed yet another circumvention of the PCA to allow the military to help civilian investigators look for weapons of mass destruction. Around the same time, Congress considered legislation to allow troops to enforce customs and immigration laws at the borders. This legislation didn’t pass.

  Only one year later, Bob Dole promised on the presidential campaign trail to heighten the military’s role in the war on drugs. Another primary contender, Lamar Alexander, suggested that a new branch of the military be created to substitute for the INS and Border Patrol.

  By 2010, the Posse Comitatus Act was about finished after it was announced that for the first time an active U.S. Army unit—the Third Infantry Division’s First Brigade Combat Team—was to be redeployed inside the United States under the Northern Command (NORTHCOM). After spending sixty months in Iraq quelling insurgents, the team was available when called upon to “help with civil unrest and crowd control or to deal with potentially horrific scenarios such as massive poisoning and chaos in response to a chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear or high-yield explosive (CBRNE) attack…subdue unruly or dangerous individuals.” They carry equipment to construct roadbloacks and install spike strips for slowing and stopping or controlling traffic, as well as shields, batons, and beanbag bullets for nonlethal crowd control.

  “The need for reaffirmation of the PCA’s principle is increasing,” wrote legal scholar Matthew Hammond in the Washington University Law Quarterly, “because in recent years, Congress and the public have seen the military as a panacea for domestic problems.”

  He added, “Major and minor exceptions to the PCA, which allow the use of the military in law enforcement roles, blur the line between military and civilian roles, undermine civilian control of the military, damage military readiness, and inefficiently solve the problems they supposedly address. Additionally, increasing the role of the military would strengthen the federal law enforcement apparatus that is currently under close scrutiny for overreaching its authority.”

  In the weeks following 9/11 and before the creation of the Transportation Security Administration (TSA), military troops patrolled airports and the streets of Washington and New York without protest. Such scenes were a brief glimpse of life under martial law. In 2005, President Bush announced that he would use military troops in the event of a national pandemic. In 2009, the military was an integral part of the swine flu general vaccination process. Why is it that the military’s role in daily life has kept steadily increasing when the nation hasn’t been attacked again? Could it be that martial law was planned years ago?

  Those who doubt the veracity of this should just ask the residents of Kingsville, Texas.

  On the night of February 8, 1999, a series of mock battles using live ammunition erupted around the town of twenty-five thousand. As part of a military operation named Operation Last Dance, eight black helicopters roared over the town. Ferried by the choppers, soldiers of the elite 160th Special Operations Aviation Regiment, known as the Night Stalkers, staged an attack on two empty buildings using real explosives and live ammunition. One of the helicopters nearly crashed when it hit the top of a telephone pole and started a fire near a home. Additionally, an abandoned police station was accidentally set on fire and a gas station was badly damaged when one or more helicopters landed on its roof.

  Citizens of Kingsville were terrified during the drill. Police chief Felipe Garza and Mayor Phil Esquivel were the only ones notified of the attack in advance. Both men refused to give any details of the operation, insisting they had been sworn to secrecy by the military. Only Arthur Rogers, the assistant police chief, would admit to what happened. “The United States Army Special Operations Command was conducting a training exercise in our area,” he said. He refused to provide any details.

  The local emergency management coordinator for FEMA, Tomas Sanchez, was not happy with the attack and with the lack of information and warning. When asked what the attack was all about, Sanchez, a decorated Vietnam veteran with thirty years’ service in Naval Intelligence, replied that, based on his background and knowledge, the attack was an operational exercise. The scenario of the exercise was that “Martial law has been declared through the Presidential Powers and War Powers Act, and some citizens have refused to give up their weapons. They have taken over two of the buildings in Kingsville. The police cannot handle it. So you call these guys in. They show up and they zap everybody, take all the weapons and let the local PD clean it up.” Sanchez and other military experts told World Net Daily that the night attack indicated the use of Presidential Decision Directive (PDD) 25, a top-secret document that apparently authorizes military participation in domestic police situations. Some speculated that PDD 25 may have surreptitiously superseded the 1878 Posse Comitatus Act.

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nbsp; Asked for comment, George W. Bush, then Texas governor, said it was not his job to get involved in the concerns over the Night Stalkers and the use of live ammunition in a civilian area of his state.

  Just in case one might be tempted to think that the events in Kingsville were simply some aberration from the distant past, a similar military exercise took place in 2009. Soldiers from Fort Campbell, including the 101st Airborne Division (Air Assault) and other infantry brigades, performed a training air assault in Troy, Tennessee, on September 29–30. It was called Operation Diomedes, after the ancient Greek warrior who wounded Aphrodite, the goddess of love.

  After being helicoptered from Fort Campbell, soldiers were dropped into multiple locations throughout the town. Once on the ground, the troops were to clear predetermined buildings in four different objective areas based on a combat scenario.

  Military spokesmen said this air assault was the first time that soldiers from the 101st Airborne had conducted such training in the area. The purpose of the exercise was to provide the troops with “pertinent realistic training in unfamiliar terrain to prepare them for possible contingency operations around the world.” Some saw this exercise as practice for the military capture of small towns in the United States.

  Exercises similar to those in Troy and Kingsville may have occurred as early as 1971, when plans were drawn up to merge the military with police and the National Guard. In that year, Senator Sam Ervin’s Subcommittee on Constitutional Rights discovered that military intelligence had established an intricate surveillance system to spy on hundreds of thousands of American citizens. Most of the citizens were antiwar protesters. This plan to merge the police with the military included exercises that were code-named Garden Plot and Cable Splicer. Britt Snider, who was lead researcher on military intelligence for Ervin’s subcommittee, said the plans seemed too vague to get excited about. “We could never find any kind of unifying purpose behind it all,” he told a reporter. “It looked like an aimless kind of thing.”