by Ian Hughes
7. The Civil Wars in the Balkans.
The speed of the attack caught Maximus by surprise. Theodosius defeated Maximus’ advance forces at the Battle of Siscia and then met Maximus’ main force at Poetovio. After a hard-fought battle the Western armies were defeated. Maximus retired to Aquileia, perhaps expecting to withstand a siege, but the defeats had damaged the loyalty of his troops. When Theodosius’ advance guard arrived at the city, Maximus was handed over to them. On 28 August 388 he was beheaded.
Whilst Theodosius was invading the West, according to Zosimus army units in the Balkans raised a rebellion after Maximus had bribed them to switch their allegiance.15 It is likely that these were part of the regular forces that accepted the bribe from Maximus and changed sides. Due to Theodosius’ speedy victory, these men were forced to flee into the marshes around the mouth of the Axios (Vardas) near Thessalonica. From here they waged a guerrilla war from 388.16 Theodosius sent Butheric, the Gothic magister militum per Illyricum, to pacify the area. After he had succeeded, he retired to the city of Thessalonica. However, by around 391 and possibly thanks to the events in Thessalonica (see below), the guerrillas had recovered a little and again began to raid surrounding areas.
Theodosius acted with clemency to the defeated West. Only a few individuals were executed and Maximus’ immediate family – with the exception of his son Victor, who Maximus had promoted to Augustus – were allowed to live. However, Theodosius was left with a problem. Valentinian was clearly not yet ready to assume the full responsibility of Augustus. Previously, he had been well served by the Frankish general Bauto, but Bauto had recently died, and so Arbogast, another Frankish general trusted by Theodosius, was made magister militum and appointed to serve Valentinian.
After the defeat of Maximus, Theodosius stayed in the West for some time in an attempt to secure support for his new regime, and also used the time to reorganize the two armies which had been used against each other in the civil war.17 During this time he made an effort to cultivate the support of the Roman Senate, going out of his way to placate them and ease their worries about the future. However, in 390 there occurred his famous conflict with Bishop Ambrose of Milan. At Thessalonica, the Gothic commander Butheric had arrested a charioteer who had allegedly committed a homosexual assault.18 Angered by the arrest, a mob had killed Butheric and several other Goths in the city. As Butheric had been a favourite of very high rank, Theodosius ordered the garrison to enter the hippodrome when it was full and to massacre those inside in retaliation. Theoderet claims that 7,000 people were killed.19 Theodosius regretted the act, but Ambrose refused to pardon him until he had spent several months as a penitent in Milan.
Alaric
The following year, 391, Theodosius began his journey back to the East. In late summer he reached the River Hebrus (Maritsa), where he was confronted by a Gothic force.20 These were the same men that Butheric had earlier defeated, but following Butheric’s death they had re-emerged as a nuisance in the area. Unwilling to risk his life in a small, meaningless skirmish, Theodosius immediately continued as fast as possible to Constantinople. According to Claudian, Alaric claimed to be the leader of the Goths who forced Theodosius to flee in fear.21 However, the claim to being overall leader is open to question and may be the result of Alaric’s propaganda later in his career. It is just as possible that Alaric was one of the leaders of a number of different groups that had joined to plunder the area. When Theodosius and his bodyguard refused to fight and fled to Constantinople, this allowed Alaric to later claim a victory over the emperor as part of his propaganda campaign to recruit fresh forces. Due to his ‘victory’ and thanks to the turmoil in the Balkans in the 390s, Alaric’s army began to grow.22 However, once back in Constantinople, Theodosius ordered Promotus, probably at this time the magister militum per Thracias, to deal with the Goths.
According to Claudian, Alaric was born on the island of Peuke in the mouths of the Danube – although this may have been a device to highlight Alaric’s position between the Roman and Germanic worlds.23 The similarity of his name to earlier Gothic ‘kings’ resulted in Jordanes being able to fit him into a supposed royal genealogy, where he was listed as a member of the Balt line, rather than of the Amals.24 Although it is clear that this is a fabrication based solely upon the alliterative similarity of Alaric’s name with Alaviv and Alatheus, Gothic leaders in 376, it is indicative of his importance in later history that Jordanes accords him such pre-eminence.25 It may be that Alaric began his career as a high-ranking Goth who was part of the anti-Roman faction. He did not choose to serve Theodosius. He was forced to serve under the treaty signed with Rufinus or Stilicho in Thrace (see below), rather than the general treaty with the Goths made by Theodosius in 382.26 This would help to explain why he revolted in 391. The death of Eriulf and the ‘exile’ of Fravitta (see below) may have left a political vacuum and Alaric was one of a number of potential candidates for the vacancies. His political and military abilities – especially his ability to steer a course between fighting and negotiation – would ensure that he rose in prestige and became the most prestigious ‘anti-Roman’ Gothic leader in the following decades.
Valentinian II
Freed from internal threats, Valentinian took up residence at Vienne in Gaul. Whilst he remained inactive in the city, Arbogast campaigned successfully along the Rhine. Distressed by his seeming captivity and the fact that Arbogast was earning glory while he remained idle, Valentinian complained to both Theodosius and Ambrose about his subordination to the Frank.27 Eventually, he formally dismissed Arbogast from his post. However, Arbogast refused to retire, stating flatly that Valentinian had not appointed him and so could not dismiss him. He then tore the order into pieces in front of the young emperor.28 It was now clear that Valentinian was no longer in control of his own court.
On 15 May 392 Valentinian was found hanged in his residence. Arbogast claimed that his death was suicide and ordered the body to be sent to Ambrose at Milan for burial. Ambrose’s eulogy carefully avoided the question of foul play, and even now historians are unsure of whether the death was a suicide, brought about by Valentinian’s humiliation at the court, or whether he was killed in order to leave the post of Augustus vacant.29
The East
Probably as part of his preparations for the war against Maximus, in 388 Theodosius reorganized the Eastern armies.30 Such a restructuring was probably necessary after the confusion and disruption of the Gothic War, yet it is also possible that in part this was due to the fact that he needed to ensure that his position as emperor would remain unthreatened during his campaign in the West.
Accordingly, he created a system where there were five magistri militiae (masters of the troops) who were supposedly equal. There were two magistri utriusque militiae praesentalis (master of all troops ‘in the presence of the emperor’), and one each of: magister utriusque militiae per Thracias (of Thrace), magister utriusque militiae per Illyricum (of Illyricum) and magister utriusque militiae per Oriens (of the East). Although these positions appear to have begun as equals, in reality the two magistri praesentalis soon acquired pre-eminence due to their proximity to the emperor.
As has already been noted, in the West he had appointed Arbogast as magister militum to supervise affairs with Valentinian II. No attempt was made to appoint a second magister militum in the West as a counterbalance to Arbogast. This is a surprise, given that he had expanded the number of magistri in the East. It would seem that Theodosius assumed that Arbogast’s loyalty would ensure continued cooperation between East and West.
Stilicho
During Theodosius’ invasion of the West in 388 Stilicho is not mentioned by any of the sources. However, his position as comes domesticorum suggests that he accompanied Theodosius and this is supported by two inscriptions found at Rome.31 Consequently, it is highly probable that he fought in the Battles of Siscia and Poetovio. His actions during these battles may have been significant in some way, because when we next hear of him – in 392, after
Theodosius’ return to the East – he is being promoted to a higher position.
In late 391 Promotus, the magister militum per Thracias, was attempting to clear the Balkans of Gothic ‘rebels’ that included Alaric as one of the leaders. However, Promotus was killed in an ambush. The barbarians were allegedly acting on the orders of Rufinus, Theodosius’ magister officiorum (master of ceremonies), with whom Promotus had recently quarrelled – although this is open to doubt.32 From at least July 393 Stilicho had the title comes et magister utriusque militiae.33 It is likely that his post was as magister utriusque militiae per Thracias as successor to Promotus, since this would most readily tie in with other events taking place at the time.
Details of his service in Thrace are extremely limited, mainly because our sources are focused on Arbogast and events in the West. However, Claudian describes Stilicho defeating the Goths, and, more importantly, avenging the death of Promotus.34 Although only a very brief record, and certainly exaggerated by Claudian’s poetic abilities, the episode does leave the impression that Stilicho was at last able to display his talent. Although the conflict appears to have ended without Stilicho winning a decisive battle, this should not be taken as demonstrating a lack of ability.35 The situation for the East was improving, but a heavy defeat could easily tip the scales again and leave the Empire open to attack in the Balkans. In the circumstances, Stilicho followed the example set by Theodosius after Adrianople and used manoeuvre rather than battle to defeat the Goths. However, he was not left to negotiate the treaty himself: the talks were led by Rufinus, at this time probably newly appointed as Theodosius’ praefectus praetorio Orientis.36 Such a victory without heavy losses in battle would have been welcomed by Theodosius. The defeat of the barbarians, coupled with his actions in the next few months and his family relationship with the emperor, would help to establish his elevated position at Theodosius’ court. It is noticeable that in the ensuing war in the West, Theodosius was not to be troubled by raids or rebels in the Balkans. As part of his agreement with Rufinus, and according to Zosimus in recognition of his military capabilities, Alaric was now forced to accept service in the Roman army as the commander of his own band of warriors, which became in effect a mercenary unit in the army.37 The agreement may also be seen as part of Theodosius’ plan to cultivate Gothic leaders, especially those who had shown military ability, and employ them for the benefit rather than the detriment of the Empire.38
Arbogast and Eugenius
With the death of Valentinian II Arbogast faced a dilemma. If he deferred to Theodosius then an inquiry would be held into the suspicious circumstances of Valentinian’s death. Although it is unlikely that foul play was involved, it would be certain that the inquiry would find that Arbogast’s actions had helped to drive the young emperor to suicide. Faced with this conclusion, Theodosius would have been prompted by his wife Galla – who was Valentinian’s sister – to severely punish Arbogast. The only other course of action was to nominate a new emperor to fill the vacant post and then face Theodosius with the fait accompli in the hope of it gaining acceptance. Arbogast chose the latter option. On 22 August 392, only three months after the death of Valentinian, he made Eugenius, a former magister scrinorum well versed in grammar and rhetoric, Augustus in the West.
By promoting a native Roman and member of the senatorial class, Arbogast probably hoped to enlist the support of the Senate for the (almost inevitable) war with Theodosius. Eugenius immediately replaced Theodosius’ men with his own appointees. However, although he was a Christian, in an attempt to maintain good relations with the Senate (which remained largely pagan) he allowed public money to be used for the rebuilding and rededication of pagan sites in Rome: for example he restored the ‘Altar of Victory’ within the Curia. Whilst this policy may have helped him internally, it increased tension between himself and the orthodox Theodosius. Meanwhile, Arbogast went on campaign along the Rhine. He attacked the Frankish kings Marcomeres and Sunno, who had taken advantage of the Roman civil war to raid Gaul whilst Maximus had been facing Theodosius. Arbogast quickly managed to pacify the region. The campaign also acted as a recruitment drive amongst the Germanic tribes on the frontier; many tribesmen now agreed to fight on his behalf.
In the meantime, Eugenius sent ambassadors to Theodosius requesting that he be recognized as emperor in the West. Although favourably received, it became clear that his elevation would not be accepted when in January 393 Theodosius promoted his son, the eight-year-old Honorius, to Augustus. According to Zosimus, Theodosius placed Richomeres, now magister utriusque militiae, in charge of the cavalry, but before the war could begin Richomeres died of disease.39 After much thought, Theodosius appointed Timasius, the magister equitum et peditum.40 He was tasked with organizing the army of invasion, with Stilicho, the magister utriusque militiae per Thracias, as his second in command. Theodosius was to retain overall control of the army.
8. Route of Theodosius and possible location of Arbogast.
Finally, Theodosius recruited foreign mercenaries and once again called on the Goths to supply a large number of troops. This caused divisions amongst the Goths and a ‘civil war’ was avoided when Eriulf, the leader of the anti-Rome faction, was killed by his political opponent, Fravitta, at a banquet held in Constantinople, ironically organized by Theodosius to promote Gothic support for the war.41 The political vacuum created by the death and flight of two of the Gothic leaders would be exploited later by Alaric.
Due to his actions, Fravitta was forced to accept service in the Roman army rather than risk retribution at the hands of Eriulf’s friends and relatives. With the Goths now committed, and allegedly supplying 20,000 men for the upcoming campaign, command of these auxiliaries was shared by Gainas, Saul and Bacurius.42 However, Theodosius’ wife Galla seems never to have witnessed the downfall of her brother’s tormentor; according to Zosimus, she died in childbirth before the army set out from Constantinople.43
The Battle of the Frigidus: 5–6 September 394
With the preparations complete, at some time in May, Theodosius led his army from Constantinople to invade the West. He left his son Arcadius in Constantinople, in the care of the praefectus praetorio Orientis, Rufinus. His plan was simply to invade Italy from the East. Arbogast, on the other hand, had decided not to emulate Maximus and divide his forces. Although this meant that he had to leave the passes across the Julian Alps undefended, he seems to have decided that defending the passes was secondary to keeping his army as a large single force under his personal control. As a consequence, Theodosius crossed the Alps unopposed and descended towards the city of Aquileia, so entering the valley of the River Frigidus. Here they encountered the army of Arbogast, encamped near the river.
The accounts of the battle that have come down to us are simple and do not enter into much detail.44 However, as they are written by sources which tend to focus on the victor, they all describe the action from the point of view of Theodosius. The aims and actions of Arbogast are not usually considered, even by modern authors. This is strange, as without an understanding of Arbogast’s strategy, the battle tends to make little sense.
Much like Theodosius’ forces, Arbogast’s army comprised a mixture of Roman and non-Roman troops. Alongside the regular Roman troops that he had concentrated from Gaul and Italy, Arbogast’s army also included both Franks and Alamanni that he had recruited whilst campaigning on the Rhine.45 Arbogast drew up his forces in front of the exit to the pass he expected Theodosius to use. Furthermore, he stationed troops on all of the strategic high-points surrounding the exit, so that when Theodosius emerged from the pass he would find himself partially surrounded.46
The only option open to Theodosius at that point would be a frontal assault, which Arbogast was confident of defeating. Later, when the assault had failed, Arbogast would send troops to the rear of the pass in order to block Theodosius’ exits, so forcing him to surrender. Arbogast’s strategy relied on predicting Theodosius’ movements and on drawing him into a trap from which he
could not escape. By accurately calculating Theodosius’ movements and taking efficient steps to counter them, Arbogast proved himself to be superior militarily to Theodosius.
Theodosius acted in exactly the manner predicted by Arbogast. When Theodosius descended from the pass, he saw that Arbogast had deployed his forces so as to block the exit towards the river, and had simultaneously limited the space in which Theodosius himself could deploy. He also became aware of troops stationed on strategic heights blocking possible alternative routes down from the pass. These troops posed an additional threat to his flanks.
Realizing that he was in danger of being surrounded, Theodosius ordered the foederati and the other non-Roman auxiliaries to make a headlong assault in order to force Arbogast to at least partially withdraw and so give Theodosius room to deploy more troops.47 After a ferocious assault – during which there was allegedly an eclipse of the sun48 – both the foederati and the other units were repulsed with heavy losses; according to Orosius, 10,000 Goths lost their lives in battle.49 Amongst the dead was the Iberian King Bacurius, who was possibly magister militum vacans (master of the troops of no particular region). As night fell the troops of the West celebrated a victory and, in accordance with his plan and in preparation for a continuation of the battle on the following day, Arbogast sent detachments of troops around the flanks of the Eastern army to secure the passes to their rear. In this way, when victory was won the Eastern army would be unable to retreat, bringing the war to a speedy end.