by Ian Hughes
Another factor in the claim was that, possibly from the start but definitely as time passed, it became clear to Stilicho that his command in the West was restricted by the increasing political and financial control of the Senate. Working within the limitations of his position as magister peditum rather than emperor, the constant need to refer to the Senate for agreement on policies and taxes became increasingly frustrating. There can be little doubt that this was to be a major reason for his continued claims to the guardianship of the East, since once in control of a united Empire, the financial support of the East would more than counter that of the Senate, so freeing Stilicho’s hands to act in a more autocratic manner with regards to the West.
Stilicho’s titles
The support given by Ambrose may have been vital in securing Stilicho’s immediate position in the West. In the face of Ambrose’s support, and even more because Stilicho was now in control of the combined Western and Eastern field forces that had fought at the Frigidus, the court at Milan accepted Stilicho’s claim to be parens to Honorius. Yet in reality his position was extremely insecure, and he now began the process of taking control of the military and political institutions of the West. With regard to Stilicho’s military status, great care must be taken when analysing the titles he adopted, as they conform more to his political wishes than to a fixed military hierarchy (on military titles in general, Chapter 4). He most often used the title magister utriusque militiae, but in reality he occupied the position of magister peditum, which in the West by this time had become dominant to that of magister equitum.16 However, it is interesting that Stilicho did not use a single title throughout his career as the dominant figure in Western politics, and it has been argued that the vagueness of his titles reflects the fact that he was creating a completely new position for himself as the head of the Western government, whilst still remaining theoretically subordinate to the emperor.17 However, Stilicho eventually came to use the terms comes et utriusque militiae to denote his military superiority and parens principum to highlight his civilian authority as head of the Theodosian dynasty, so when talking of Stilicho’s position during the remainder of the book the title comes et utriusque militiae will be consistently used.18 However, it was to be a long time before these titles were secure.
On the other hand, it should be noted that, his methods of securing his position notwithstanding, Stilicho was not an innovator. Theodosius is described as generally being quiet and cautious, almost to a fault, and totally without flamboyance: his civil legislation was finely balanced between the needs of the weak and the demands of the powerful.19 Furthermore, his policies after Adrianople had allowed the Empire to recover its stability and slowly eroded the Gothic position to one where the Empire was the dominant partner, even if this was only just the case. Having such a strong role-model, it is not surprising that Stilicho adopted the majority of the policies and some of the traits exhibited by Theodosius.
Galla Placidia
Galla Placidia was the daughter of Theodosius. Whilst Honorius and Arcadius were borne by Theodosius’ first wife, Aelia Flaccilla, Galla Placidia was the daughter borne by his second wife, Galla, daughter of Valentinian I. She was thus the sister of the adopted Serena and hence sister-in-law of Stilicho. Born in late 388 or early 389, her father had missed the birth, at the time being absent for the campaign against Maximus in Italy.20 Shortly after her birth her mother Galla quarrelled with her stepson Arcadius, who was acting as the sole emperor in Constantinople in his father’s absence in the West. She fled to join Theodosius in Italy, taking her young daughter with her. On their return in 391 Theodosius set Placidia up in her own household, despite her young age, possibly in an attempt to protect her from her jealous older half-brother.21 When Theodosius fell ill in Italy in 394 she was summoned to Milan at the same time as Honorius, and so was present at her father’s death in 395. After his death she was raised in the household of Stilicho and Serena, in the knowledge that her safety was in danger from Arcadius should she return East.
The Western Empire
The death of Theodosius in 395 is often seen as the date of the permanent division of the Empire into East and West. However, even a cursory inspection of the evidence demonstrates that this view is actually anachronistic. In the minds of contemporaries the Empire was a single entity. The political division was merely a military necessity, since one emperor would always have difficulty in countering the numerous threats on the borders of the Empire. This form of division was begun as early as the reign of Diocletian (284–305) – if not before – and Claudian’s emphasis on the unity of the Empire and his portrayal of Stilicho’s enemies in the East as agents of discord, intent on destroying the unity of the Empire, deserves greater emphasis than is usually given. Only after the life of Stilicho would the division into East and West become permanent, but even then a large proportion of the population would have seen the Empire as a single entity, as witnessed by the horror felt in both East and West when Rome was sacked in 410. As a consequence, it should always be borne in mind that the division of the analysis between East and West is simply to ease problems of investigation and understanding and should not be seen – as is too often the case – as an acceptance that East and West had been permanently divided following Theodosius’ death.
Yet in one particular circumstance the division is actually relevant. In the West, when Stilicho was made comes et utriusque militiae he actually took the position recently vacated by Arbogast in which the focus of political power was the leading general, not the emperor. Therefore, when a major decision was needed Stilicho would assemble the consistorium, which had replaced the consilium of earlier emperors. The consistorium consisted of high-ranking officials such as the praefectus praetorio, the magister officiorum, the quaestor, the comes sacrarum largitionum, the rei privatae and any others whose opinions were thought to be valuable.22 If a strong emperor ruled, he would manage the meeting, but with Honorius being a minor, Stilicho dominated proceedings. Honorius was simply a figurehead.
In the East, there was a slight difference that was to prove decisive as time passed. As in the West, the actual emperor, Arcadius, was a mere figurehead, but here the consistorium was dominated by civilian officers, usually the praefectus praetorio Orientis or, at other times, the magister officiorum or the praepositus sacri cubiculum.23 The military officials, such as the comites domesticorum (‘commander of the guard’) and the two magistri militum praesentalis, were only ex-officio members, were very rarely summoned, and therefore failed to acquire the dominance that Stilicho was to enjoy in the West.
Gaul
In areas along the Rhine frontier defence had been entrusted to foederati or laeti: tribes who had previously been allowed to settle on Roman soil with the restriction that they help defend the frontier.24 The main example of this was the Franks. During the troubles of the third and fourth centuries they had settled between the Meuse and the Schelde rivers. In 358 Julian defeated them but allowed them to remain in situ as laeti (‘allies’) on condition that they defended their new territory against other Germanic tribes and no longer attacked the Empire.25 The Franks appear to have generally adhered to the terms of the treaty – even in the troubled year of 406 – which in many ways is reminiscent of the earlier Client Kingdoms of the East. They remained independent but were subservient to Rome, helping to protect the frontier. No doubt the principle was that, like the earlier Client States, they would be absorbed at a later date. In a similar manner, smaller groups of tribesmen had been settled throughout Gaul and the Balkans, although these groups had not been allowed to retain their own leaders. Furthermore, constant victories over the Alamanni and other Germanic tribes allowed the Romans to leave the defence of the frontiers in their hands. As long as the Empire was perceived as being strong they protected the borders, but once the Empire was perceived as being in a weakened state the tribes had the tendency to make raids into Roman territory. On the whole, however, these developments allowed for the withdrawing of troops f
rom areas protected by treaty – especially the agreement with the Franks – and their deployment elsewhere in the Empire. It is likely that the majority of the forces withdrawn by Maximus and Arbogast were taken from these areas. Unfortunately, these areas of the frontier were now only very lightly held by the Empire, and the allied tribes defending the frontiers would find it tempting to expand the territory under their control whenever the Empire appeared weak.
10. The enemies of the Western Roman Empire, AD 395.
One further aspect of Stilicho’s new guardianship needs attention. That is the effect that it had from the very start on politics within Gaul. Since the middle of the third century the capital of the West had been at Trier in Gaul. Rome was too far from the frontiers to act as a base for the emperor, whereas Trier was strategically positioned and from there the emperor was within reach of all of the threatened frontiers in the north of the Western Empire. As a result, the Gallic senators had accrued a large amount of influence, thanks to their easy access to the imperial court. Under Stilicho, the Western court became established in northern Italy. Relatively quickly, the Gallic senators lost their dominant position at the heart of the court to the Senate of Rome, although the senators of southern Gaul would retain some of their influence into the fifth century. This would have far-reaching consequences.
Britain
There is virtually no evidence for conditions in Britain. It is known that in 368 the comes Theodosius, father of the emperor, had restored order in Britain following the invasions and raids of 367. Despite their rescue, the provinces in the island remained unhappy with their treatment by the emperor and in 383 Magnus Maximus rebelled. Unfortunately for the island provinces, he then did what all pretenders to the throne had done before him and were to do after him: he departed for Gaul in an attempt to gain power on the mainland. To further his aims, he took many troops with him, so denuding the island of at least part of its defences.
With this rebellion in mind, it is probably best to see the island as slowly losing its image of Rome as the great protector of the Empire. Indeed, the fact that there were several rebellions during the rule of Stilicho (as will be seen) implies that the island was extremely unhappy with the state of affairs. On the other hand, it also suggests that, whatever else, Britain still saw itself as an integral part of the Empire, otherwise the islanders would have simply ‘seceded’, failing to obey orders from the emperor and instead organizing their own rule and defence.
The provinces’ perception of their inclusion in the Empire seems to have been at least partially shared by the emperor and his advisors. The garrison of the island remains an integral part of the Notitia Dignitatum and there does appear to have been the appointment of officials by the emperor to govern the provinces. Unfortunately, when compared with Italy, Africa and Gaul, the returns from the provinces in taxes and trade appears to have been relatively low, even including the grain and other foodstuffs attested by the large numbers of villas being built or extended on a lavish scale in the island. As a result, Britain was not high in the priorities of the policy makers, embroiled as they were in maintaining imperial control of the core of the Western Empire. In these circumstances, it is not surprising that Britain was troubled by rebellion, with the population and local government being intent on pushing their claims for protection and security. It is unfortunate that the leaders they promoted quickly crossed to Gaul and laid claim to the Western Empire. In these circumstances, the problems of Britain were quickly subsumed in the fight for survival. Consequently, Britain was embroiled in a vicious cycle of rebellion and neglect.
Spain and Africa
These two areas were lucky in that they did not suffer from the threat of large-scale invasions, although the Moors were to prove a lasting nuisance, even invading Spain across the Straits of Gibraltar at times. Furthermore, they were at a distance from Italy and they were comparatively lightly held by Roman forces. As a result, they rarely appear to have suffered the difficulty of having troops withdrawn to face the enemies of the Empire in the fourth century. The net effect of this was that, although they remained central to the unity of the West – especially Africa, with its supply of grain for Rome and Italy – emperors were able to focus their energies on defending the frontiers in the north of Europe. However, it should be remembered that the praefectus Africae (prefect of Africa) was actually an extremely important individual, having control of the grain supplies to Rome. Care needed to be taken that he was loyal and liable to retain his loyalty in case of difficulties.
Italy
Due to its historic significance, along with the presence of many of the richest individuals in the Empire, the defence of Italy remained a priority for all of the emperors during the third century. Fortunately, the presence of the Alps along its northern borders helped to make the defence of the peninsula much easier than would otherwise have been the case. As long as the emperor had control of both sides of the Alps, Italy was safe, with the troops on the farther side providing warning of the approach of enemies, so allowing the passes to be defended and the enemy stopped from entering. However, if the emperor lost control of the far side, Italy was in peril. The Empire no longer had enough spare troops to man all of the passes, and without adequate warning the enemy was able to reach the valley of the River Po. Furthermore, there was political pressure from the Senate to maintain the defence of their homeland. The defence of Italy would dominate the policies of Stilicho during the time of his rule.
The political situation in the West
On the death of Theodosius Stilicho found himself in an unexpected and unusual position. Representative of an Eastern emperor who had defeated the West, upon Theodosius’ death he instantly became the senior figure in the West without the military or political backing of either the Western Senate or the emperor in the East. In this context it is easy to see why Stilicho claimed the role as guardian of both Arcadius and Honorius: he would be able to use the court of Arcadius as a counter-balance to that of Honorius and vice-versa. As the pivotal figure upon which the two halves rested, he could use the other as a threat to reinforce his position.
Furthermore, despite being well-known to many of the most important figures in both halves of the Empire, he would be an unknown quantity to many. In addition, this was his first time in such a position of extreme power. He was used to working in the East as one of five magistri under a dominant emperor. He was now alone and no doubt many watched with trepidation, unsure how Stilicho would react to having so much power.
A further difficulty was that he was used to working alongside others who had gone through the same training in Theodosius’ protectores. Now he would have to work with people who did not have that training and whose reactions to events he would have difficulty judging. This included the Senate in Rome.
Finally, there was the legality of his position and the possible reaction against him now that his protector, Theodosius, had been removed. His first action appears to have been to establish the validity of his rule. He did this by emphasizing his military position as comes et magister utriusque militiae praesentalis and by his use of the title parens principum to highlight his relationship with and the continuity of his service to the House of Theodosius. The use of the second of these titles would have given many individuals pause for thought; although not emperor, and therefore potentially open to political attack, Stilicho’s position was actually highly unusual and theoretically superior to that of Honorius.26 For the first time the guardian of an emperor in the West was related to the emperor but did not appear to be aiming to rule himself. The hesitation that these considerations caused and the continued support of the men placed in influential positions by Theodosius gave him time to act.
His first target appears to have been the Senate. From the time of Valentinian II (375–87) the Western court had been based in Milan. As a result, the Senate based in Rome had regained some of its lost power as Milan, unlike Trier, was within easy reach of Rome. Senators in Rome were able to make t
he relatively short journey to Milan, where they quickly gained and maintained their influence at court by means of amicitia, ‘friendship between themselves and court officials’..27
Stilicho was unused to this milieu but realized that he could not dominate the Senate in the same way that the Senate in Constantinople had been dominated by Theodosius. In many cases Roman senators had managed to retain their influence even after involvement in the rebellion against Theodosius, showing their resilience and the emperor’s recognition of their power and the effectiveness of their support.28 Also, as an Easterner he would have been an unknown quantity to many. What he needed was an intermediary that could liaise with the Senate without Stilicho himself becoming personally involved. Fortunately, one such man stood out from the crowd.
Symmachus
Quintus Aurelius Symmachus was a major political figure and a committed pagan, who had already acted as the spokesman of a succession of emperors, such as Valentinian and Gratian, delivering speeches to the Senate on their behalf. Symmachus is now known mostly for the volume and literary content of his letters.29 However, to his contemporaries his letters were not the most important facet of his activities: he was known as Symmachus Logographos (‘the orator’).30
In 382 Emperor Gratian ordered the Altar of Victory removed from the Curia, which housed the Senate. Symmachus, already a man of influence and power, led a delegation of protest, which the emperor refused to receive. In 384, some time after the death of Gratian in 383, Symmachus was made the praefectus urbis Romae (prefect of Rome), and he sent a letter to Emperor Valentinian II asking for the restoration of the Altar. Although the request was refused under the advice of Bishop Ambrose, it shows that Symmachus was still a focal point for the pagans amongst the Senate. Unfortunately for Symmachus, he also composed a panegyric for Magnus Maximus. When Maximus was overthrown, Symmachus had to deliver a speech of apology to Theodosius in order to obtain a pardon.31 At some point, probably before 395, he became the princeps senatus (‘First Senator’), becoming spokesman for the Senate. As such he was in a position to negotiate with Stilicho, giving him support in the Senate in return for concessions and influence. Furthermore, his position highlights that during the rule of Stilicho the Senate began to wield an influence that they had not had for many years.32