22. There are of course many examples of Jewish violence. Violent attacks by the Irgun and Lehi terrorist groups targeted British officials and property before Israel’s independence in 1948 and was used as an excuse in the late 1940s for barring European Jewish refugees from entering Britain, Australia, and Commonwealth countries.
23. Jonathan Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan: A Boy Avenger, a Nazi Diplomat, and a Murder in Paris (New York: Liveright, 2013), Kindle edition, 42.
24. Timothy Snyder, “‘In the Cage, Trying to Get Out,’” New York Review of Books, October 24, 2013, http://www.nybooks.com/articles/2013/10/24/herschel-grynszpan-cage-trying-get-out/. This was especially true for the many Jews who were residents but not citizens due to Germany’s granting of citizenship by blood descent, not one’s place of birth.
25. Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan, 82–83.
26. Ibid., 92–94, 104–106.
27. Ibid., 108–109.
28. Ron Roizen, “Herschel Grynszpan: The Fate of a Forgotten Assassin,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 1, no. 2 (1986): 217–228.
29. Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan, 112–113, 124.
30. Ibid., 119–121.
31. Ibid., 121–123.
32. Ron Roizen, “Herschel Grynszpan: The Fate of a Forgotten Assassin”; Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan, 121–123.
33. Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan, 124.
34. Roizen, “Herschel Grynszpan: The Fate of a Forgotten Assassin.”
35. Kirsch, The Short, Strange Life of Herschel Grynszpan, 121–125.
36. Roizen, “Herschel Grynszpan: The Fate of a Forgotten Assassin.”
37. Ernst Cassirer, The Myth of the State (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 293.
38. Peter E. Gordon, Continental Divide: Heidegger, Cassirer, Davos (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012), 23. See also Peter E. Gordon, “German Idealism and German Liberalism in the 1920s: Remarks on Ernst Cassirer and the Historicity of Interpretation,” in The Weimar Moment: Liberalism, Political Theology, and Law, eds. Leonard V. Kaplan and Rudy Koshar (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2012), 338.
39. Gordon, “German Idealism and German Liberalism in the 1920s,” 341.
40. Cassirer, The Myth of the State, 278.
41. Ibid., 280.
42. Ibid., 296–297.
43. Ibid., 280–282.
44. Ibid., 295–296.
45. Azar Gat, “The Return of Authoritarian Great Powers,” Foreign Affairs, July 1, 2007, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2007–07–01/return-authoritarian-great-powers. Far-right parties in Europe and the Trump campaign in the United States also enjoyed the enthusiastic support of Vladimir Putin’s Russia.
46. Fareed Zakaria, “The Rise of Illiberal Democracy,” Foreign Affairs, November 1, 1997, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1997-11-01/rise-illiberal-democracy.
47. Fareed Zakaria, The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, revised ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2007), 115–116.
48. Ibid., 26, 250.
49. Ibid., 101–102.
50. Zakaria, The Future of Freedom, 162, 181, and 254. Writing in 2003, Zakaria eerily predicted the rise of Donald Trump. “America is increasingly embracing a simpleminded populism that values popularity and openness as the key measures of legitimacy,” he wrote. “As the political party declines further, being rich and/or famous will become the routine path to high elected office.” Zakaria was not alone in worrying about the rise of demagogues in democratic countries. Michael Signer, a political theorist who is now the mayor of Charlottesville, Virginia, wrote a book on popular leaders who come to power through democratic means and use that power to subvert democracy—demagogues. As democracy expands, Signer wrote, “it increases the potential for its own destruction.” He set out four criteria that define the demagogue: a leader who presents himself as a common man, depends on charisma and a deep emotional connection with the people, exploits his own popularity to satisfy his political ambitions and, having achieved power, openly challenges or breaks accepted norms and laws in order to implement his goals. Writing in 2009, Signer saw the United States as a model of democratic resiliency—a place that has at times flirted with demagoguery without ever succumbing. In late 2015, over a year before Trump’s inauguration and his attacks on federal judges over his immigration order, he changed his tune about America. “Just as an autoimmune disease attacks the body through its own defence, demagogues are a disorder native to democracy itself,” Signer wrote in the Washington Post. “We’d be wise to accurately diagnose it now.” Michael Signer, “Donald Trump Wasn’t a Textbook Demagogue. Until Now,” Washington Post, December 2, 2015, https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/12/02/donald-trump-wasnt-a-textbook-demagogue-until-now/?utm_term=.468b89285b31.
51. Barry James, “French Leader Takes 82% of Vote in Showdown with Extreme Right: Chirac Routs Le Pen in Runoff,” New York Times, May 6, 2002, http://www.nytimes.com/2002/05/06/news/french-leader-takes-82-of-vote-in-showdown-with-extreme-right-chirac.html.
52. Cas Mudde, “The Intolerance of the Tolerant,” OpenDemocracy, October 21, 2010, http://www.opendemocracy.net/cas-mudde/intolerance-of-tolerant; Elizabeth Kolbert, “Beyond Tolerance,” New Yorker, September 9, 2002, http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2002/09/09/beyond-tolerance.
1. THE GUESTS WHO OVERSTAYED
1. Paul Scheffer, Immigrant Nations (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2011), 131.
2. Ian Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam: The Death of Theo van Gogh and the Limits of Tolerance (London: Atlantic Books, 2006), 13.
3. Christopher Caldwell, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe: Immigration, Islam and the West (London: Penguin, 2010), 35.
4. This changed in the 1990s and with the new citizenship law of 2000.
5. Christian Joppke, Citizenship and Immigration (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2011), 26–27.
6. Ibid., 36.
7. Rogers Brubaker, Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1996), 22–23.
8. David Goodhart, The British Dream: Successes and Failures of Post-War Immigration, (London: Atlantic Books, 2014), 118–121.
9. Patrick Weil and Nicolas Truong, Le sens de la République (Paris: Grasset, 2015), 37.
10. For a longer analysis of how the Gulf States treat guest workers and barter citizenship, see Atossa Araxia Abrahamian, The Cosmopolites: The Coming of the Global Citizen (New York: Columbia Global Reports, 2015).
11. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 21.
12. Caldwell, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe, 46.
13. Pascal Bruckner, The Tyranny of Guilt: An Essay on Western Masochism, trans. Steven Rendall (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2012), 2.
14. Ibid., 34–36.
15. Doug Saunders, The Myth of the Muslim Tide: Do Immigrants Threaten the West? (New York: Vintage Books, 2012), 128–129.
16. Ibid., 121: “They warned that the strict and unchangeable sexual inequality of Catholic doctrine imprisoned women, and that Catholic immigration set back the cause of female equality,” writes Saunders.
17. William H. Pryor Jr., “Moral Duty and the Rule of Law,” Harvard Journal of Law & Public Policy 31 (2008): 153; Brian Kelly, “Victim of the Klan: Father James Edwin Coyle, Alabama,” Catholicism.org, February 23, 2009, http://catholicism.org/victim-of-the-klan-father-james-edwin-coyle-alabama.html.
18. Radley Balko, “The United States Also Denied Refuge to Jews Fleeing Hitler, Fearing They Might Be Nazis,” Washington Post, January 25, 2017; Dara Lind, “How America’s Rejection of Jews Fleeing Nazi Germany Haunts Our Refugee Policy Today,” Vox, January 27, 2017, https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2017/1/27/14412082/refugees-history-holocaust; “Voyage of the St. Louis,” United States Holocaust Memorial Museum, accessed March 27, 2017, https://www.ushmm.org/wlc/en/article.php?ModuleId=10005267.
> 19. Paul Blanshard, American Freedom and Catholic Power, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1984).
20. Saunders, The Myth of the Muslim Tide, 116.
21. Ibid., 119.
22. Caldwell, Reflections on the Revolution in Europe, 205–206. For all his grave warnings about the Islamic menace, Caldwell acknowledges this history and the political backlash it produced. He points to the 1850s in Boston as the moment when the city’s WASP establishment began to feel uncomfortable. As the Irish Catholics began to have children and shape the culture and rhythms of the city, “the natives began to voice intolerant opinions, to mutter openly about the newcomers’ higher birthrates, to form radical and secret political parties, and to take active steps to exclude the Irish from their institutions.” It was the beginning of the Know Nothing Party in American politics. Caldwell likens that period to the current one in Europe, especially as immigrants and their children who have become citizens start to exert their power at the ballot box. What he does not acknowledge is that Boston turned out reasonably well and was not culturally decimated. His real fear, much like that of the suffragists of the early twentieth century, is that the political demands made by a religious minority will irrevocably transform society for the worse. “The question for the future is not whether the Muslim vote will shift the electoral balance on today’s contentious issues,” writes Caldwell, “but whether it will change the issues themselves, reopening aspects of European society that are today considered settled.”
23. Han Entzinger in Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies, eds. Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 193–199.
24. Catherine Fieschi et al., Recapturing the Reluctant Radical (London: Counterpoint, 2012).
25. Kenan Malik, Multiculturalism and Its Discontents: Rethinking Diversity After 9/11 (London: Seagull Books, 2013), 47.
26. Kenan Malik, From Fatwa to Jihad (London: Atlantic Books, 2009), 20–21.
27. Ibid., 21, 94–95.
28. Paul Berman, The Flight of the Intellectuals (New York: Melville House, 2011), 171–176.
29. Gilles Kepel, Les banlieues de l’islam: naissance d’une religion en France (Paris: Points, 2015), 154–156.
30. Jean-Yves Camus and Nicolas Lebourg, Les droites extrêmes en Europe (Paris: Seuil, 2015),144–145, 177.
31. Ahmed Marcouch, interview by author, The Hague, September 14, 2016.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Ibid.
35. “Enoch Powell’s ‘Rivers of Blood’ Speech,” Telegraph, November 6, 2007, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/comment/3643823/Enoch-Powells-Rivers-of-Blood-speech.html.
36. Michael Collins, The Likes of Us: A Biography of the White Working Class (London: Granta Books, 2004), 182–186.
37. Ibid., 188–189.
38. Ibid., 207.
2. WHEN INTEGRATION FAILS
1. Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Nomad: A Personal Journey Through the Clash of Civilizations (London: Simon & Schuster UK, 2011), 171–175.
2. The headline in Dutch suggests drama but the connotation is tragedy or disaster.
3. This party is known as the Partij voor de Arbeid, or PvdA (“party of the workers”) in Holland—I will refer to it as the Labour Party. At this point, Hirsi Ali herself was working for the party’s think tank on integration issues before taking a turn to the right a year later and running as a candidate for PvdA’s centre-right rival, the VVD.
4. Paul Scheffer, “Het Multiculturele Drama,” NRC Handelsblad, January 29, 2000.
5. Ibid.
6. Scheffer, Immigrant Nations, (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2011), 39–40 and 82.
7. Ahmed Marcouch, interview by author, The Hague, September 14, 2016.
8. Ian Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam: The Death of Theo van Gogh and the Limits of Tolerance, (London: Atlantic Books, 2006), 53.
9. Frits Bolkestein, interview by author, Amsterdam, July 4, 2016.
10. Merijn Oudenampsen, interview by author, Amsterdam, April 20, 2016.
11. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 56–57.
12. Andrew Osborn, “‘I Shot Fortuyn for Dutch Muslims,’ Says Accused,” Guardian, March 27, 2003, https://www.theguardian.com/world/2003/mar/28/thefarright.politics.
13. Frits Bolkestein, interview by author, Amsterdam, July 4, 2016.
14. Ibid. All quotes in the paragraphs above are also drawn from this interview.
15. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 29–31.
16. Frits Bolkestein, interview by author, Amsterdam, July 4, 2016.
17. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 64.
18. Ibid., 31.
19. Ibid., 1–3.
20. The original Dutch letter can be found at http://www.volkskrant.nl/binnenland/-open-brief-aan-hirshi-ali~a706350/. The English version is available at http://www.militantislammonitor.org/article/id/312
21. Ibid.
22. Ayaan Hirsi Ali, Infidel (New York: Free Press, 2007), 322.
23. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 11, 15. “When smugness is challenged, panic sets in,” he writes.
24. Bas Heijne, interview by author, Paris, March 15, 2016.
25. Ahmed Marcouch, interview by author, The Hague, September 14, 2016.
26. Buruma, Murder in Amsterdam, 48.
27. Han Entzinger in Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies, eds. Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 187 and 196.
28. Paul Scheffer, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 24, 2016.
29. Leo Lucassen, interview by author, Amsterdam, April 22, 2016.
30. Willem Schinkel, interview by author, Rotterdam, April 18, 2016.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Christian Joppke, Citizenship and Immigration (Cambridge, UK: Polity, 2011), 140.
34. Willem Schinkel, interview by author, Rotterdam, April 18, 2016.
35. It is the opposite of autochtoon, which means “indigenous.”
36. Zihni Özdil, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 22, 2016.
37. Paul Schnabel, interview by author, Amsterdam, April 21, 2016.
38. Zihni Özdil, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 22, 2016.
39. Zihni Özdil, Nederland mijn Vaderland (Amsterdam: De Bezige Bij, 2016).
40. Ibid., 48.
41. Rinus Penninx, interview by author, Gouda, March 21, 2016.
42. Ibid. All quotes from Penninx in the paragraphs above are also drawn from this interview.
43. Paul Scheffer, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 24, 2016.
44. Zihni Özdil, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 22, 2016.
45. Ibid.
46. Bas Heijne, interview by author, Paris, March 15, 2016.
47. Rinus Penninx, interview by author, Gouda, March 21, 2016.
48. Zihni Özdil, interview by author, Amsterdam, March 22, 2016.
3. THE NATIVIST NANNY STATE
1. Bent Melchior, interview by author, Copenhagen, March 7, 2016. The paragraphs above draw on the same interview.
2. Sasha Polakow-Suransky, “Fortress Denmark?” American Prospect, May 13, 2002, http://prospect.org/article/fortress-denmark.
3. David Goodhart, The British Dream: Successes and Failures of Post-War Immigration, (London: Atlantic Books, 2014), 270; Paul Collier, Exodus: Immigration and Multiculturalism in the 21st Century (London: Penguin, 2014), 84.
4. Robert D. Putnam, “E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-First Century: The 2006 Johan Skytte Prize Lecture,” Scandinavian Political Studies 30, no. 2 (June 2007): 137–174.
5. Keith Banting and Will Kymlicka, eds., Multiculturalism and the Welfare State: Recognition and Redistribution in Contemporary Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 27.
6. Ibid., 80.
7. Ibid., 80, 346–348.
8. Goodhart, The British Dream, 273.
9. Robert Anthony Ford
and Matthew J. Goodwin, Revolt on the Right: Explaining Support for the Radical Right in Britain (New York: Routledge, 2014), 117.
10. Cas Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira Kaltwasser, eds., Populism in Europe and the Americas: Threat or Corrective for Democracy? (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 8.
11. Goodhart, The British Dream, 269.
12. Ford and Goodwin, Revolt on the Right, 134.
13. Catherine Fieschi et al., Recapturing the Reluctant Radical (London: Counterpoint, 2012).
14. Herbert Kitschelt and Anthony J. McGann, The Radical Right in Western Europe: A Comparative Analysis (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006).
15. Ibid., 261–262.
16. Ibid., 21–23.
17. Ibid., 15.
18. The modern-day DPP grew out of Glistrup’s Fremskridtspartiet (Progress Party). Although his platform was primarily antitax in the 1970s, he eventually embraced anti-immigration views in the 1980s, warning of “Mohammedans” coming to Denmark. He was a mentor to Pia Kjærsgaard, who was a prominent member of the Progress Party and later founded the DPP.
19. Maureen A. Eger and Sarah Valdez, “From Radical Right to Neo-Nationalist: Political Party Dynamics in Western Europe, 1970–2015,” working paper, Department of Sociology, Umeå University, Sweden, 2017.
20. Ibid. See also Maureen A. Eger and Sarah Valdez, “Neo-Nationalism in Western Europe,” European Sociological Review 31, no. 1 (2015): 115–130. In this article, Eger and Valdez argue that the “radical right began as the most economically right-wing party family in Europe, but between 1996 and 2010, they shifted to the left in their economic positions and are no longer right-wing outliers.” Further, their voting analyses reveal that welfare chauvinism motivated support for the “far right” between 2002 and 2010. They use the term “neo-nationalist” rather than “right-wing populist.”
21. Arne Hardis, interview by author, Copenhagen, April 11, 2016.
22. As mentioned above, there was an earlier successful far-right party, the Progress Party, which gained 16 percent of the vote in 1973; however, it had an antitax platform at the time, not the DPP’s current anti-immigration and pro-welfare stance.
23. Thomas Gyldal Petersen, interview by author, Herlev, April 13, 2016.
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