A Forgotten Empire: Vijayanagar

by eBook creation Robert Sewell; Ken Mattern

  [229] -- "Asia Portugueza" of Faria y Souza, I. Pt. iii. cap. 4 (Stevens' translation).

  [230] -- Compare Nuniz (text, p. 329).

  [231] -- These numbers are probably taken from Barros, who copied Nuniz.

  [232] -- "Asia Portugueza," I. Pt. iii. cap. 4, sec. 5. "Ruy de Mello, que estava a Goa, viendo al Hidalchan divertido con sus ruinas o esperancas, o todo junto, y a muchos en perciales remolinos robando la tierra firme de aquel contorno, ganola facilmente con dozientos y sincuenta cavallos, y ochocientos peones Canaries"

  [233] -- "Histoire des Descouvertes et Conquestes des Portugais" (Paris, 1733).

  [234] -- Danvers, "The Portuguese in India," i. 347, gives us the same dates for Sequeira's absence, and mentions De Figueiredo's presence at the battle of Raichur.

  [235] -- The corresponding actual new moon day in May 1521 was Monday, May 6, and the new moon was first visible on Wednesday. In 1522 the actual new moon day was Sunday, May 25, and it was first visible on Tuesday.

  [236] -- Paes says that on an emergency he could raise even two millions.

  [237] -- "Handbook of Indian Arms," pp. 15 -- 16.

  [238] -- Above, p. 12.

  [239] -- Op Cit., p. 18.

  [240] -- Below, p. 292.

  [241] -- Below, pp. 384 to 389.

  [242] -- Liv. ii. c 16.

  [243] -- Commander-in-chief.

  [244] -- Below, p. 333.

  [245] -- "Omde Achaveis ... Ho Que Avieis Mister."

  [246] -- "Verieis."

  [247] -- "Achareis."

  [248] -- Below, pp, 346, 347.

  [249] -- Below, p. 351.

  [250] -- Vol. i. p. 347.

  [251] -- Vol. i. p. 533.

  [252] -- We hear nothing of this from Firishtah. But we know that the Bahmani Sultan Mahmud II., who died in 1518, had three sons, Ahmad Ala-ud-Din, and Wali-Ullah, the first of whom became Sultan in December 1517, the second in 1521, the third in the same year; in all cases only nominally.

  [253] -- Dec. III. l. iv. c. 10.

  [254] -- Correa, Stanley's translation (Hakluyt edition, p. 387, note; Danvers, "Portuguese in India," i. 363. The "Suffilarim" is Asada Khan.

  Mr. Baden-Powell has published, in the Journal Of The Royal Asiatic Society for April 1900, an interesting paper on the king of Portugal's regulations for, and record of customs in, the newly acquired tracts, dated at Goa in A.D. 1526, and called Foral Dos Usos E Costumes.

  [255] -- Dec. IV. 1. vii. c. 1.

  [256] -- Mallik Barid. The Hidalchan is the Adil Khan or the Adil Shah; Madre Maluco is the Imad Shah, and Cota Maluco the Qutb Shah.

  [257] -- Perhaps this matter ought to find place under the reign of Achyuta Raya, but I mention it here as it may have occurred before the death of Krishna Deva.

  [258] -- Article "Vijayanagar" in the Madras Christian College Magazine for December 1886.

  [259] -- "Bellary District Manual" (Kelsall), p. 231.

  [260] -- "South Indian Inscriptions" (Hultzsch), p. 132; and Epigraphia Indica, BY the same author, iv. 266.

  [261] -- Journal, Bombay Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, xii. 336, &c.

  [262] -- Epig. Ind., i. 398; iv. p. 3, note 4.

  [263] -- I have broadly declared this relationship, but, as a matter of fact, almost every inscription and literary work in the country differs as to the genealogy of the sovereigns who reigned from this time forward. Nuniz, however, as a contemporary writer residing at the capital, is an excellent authority.

  [264] -- Epig. Ind., iv. 3, note 4 (Professor Kielhorn).

  [265] -- Scott's edition, i. 252.

  [266] -- These names are discussed below.

  [267] -- This is apparently an error. The period was only ten years.

  [268] -- 16th Safar, A.H. 941 (Firishtah).

  [269] -- Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 374 -- 375.

  [270] -- "Lists of Antiquities, Madras," vol. i. p. 181 (No. 86), and p. 182 (No. 115).

  [271] -- Scott's translation, i. p. 262.

  [272] -- Below, p. 367.

  [273] -- Idem, p. 354.

  [274] -- Scott, i. pp. 262 ff.; Briggs, iii. p. 80.

  [275] -- Briggs has it "a daughter of Shew Ray." Rama married a daughter of Krishna Deva, who was son of the first Narasimha.

  [276] -- Inscriptions do not give us the name of any prince of the female line at this period. Briggs calls the uncle "Bhoj" Tirumala. Couto (Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5) renders the name as "Uche Timma," and states that Uche means "mad."

  [277] -- Here we probably find an allusion to the reign of Achyuta. Rama was the elder of three brothers afterwards to become very famous. He and his brother Tirumala both married daughters of Krishna Deva Raya. Achyuta being, in Nuniz's belief, brother of the latter monarch, that chronicler calls these two brothers "brothers-in-law" of King Achyuta. (Below, p. 367.) Nuniz says that King Achyuta "destroyed the principal people in the kingdom and killed their sons" (p. 369).

  [278] -- Achyuta had then been for about six years on the throne.

  [279] -- If the Sultan's march towards Vijayanagar began in 1535 -- 36, we shall perhaps not be far wrong in assigning Nuniz's chronicle to the year 1536 -- 37, seeing that the author alludes to the dissatisfaction and disgust felt by the nobles and others for their rulers, which presupposes a certain interval to have passed since the departure of the Mussalman army.

  [280] -- Scott's edit., i. 265.

  [281] -- Scott spells the name "Negtaderee," but I have substituted the rendering given by Briggs, "Venkatadry," as less confusing.

  [282] -- Firishtah writes glowingly (Scott, i. 277) of the grandeur of Asada Khan. He "was famed for his judgment and wisdom.... For nearly forty years he was the patron and protector of the nobles and distinguished of the Dekhan. He lived in the highest respect and esteem, with a magnificence and grandeur surpassing all his contemporary nobility. The sovereigns of Beejanuggur and every country observing a respect to his great abilities, frequently honoured him with letters and valuable presents. His household servants ... amounted to 250. He had sixty of the largest elephants and 150 of a smaller size. In his stables he had 400 horses of Arabia and Persia, exclusive of those-of mixed breed foaled in India. His treasures and riches were beyond amount," &c.

  [283] -- Firishtah's story of Asada Khan's life is contained in Scott's edition. i. pp. 236 -- 278; Briggs, iii. pp. 45 -- 102.

  [284] -- Dec. III. l. iv. cap. 5.

  [285] -- Dec. IV. l. vii. cap. 6.

  [286] -- Turugel is probably Tirakhol, north of Goa.

  [287] -- Couto tells us (Dec. VII. l. vii. c. 1) that Rama Raya in 1555 made an expedition against the Christian inhabitants of San Thome, near Madras, but retired without doing great harm; and it is quite possible that the king acknowledged no connection between San Thome and Goa.

  [288] -- Epigraphia Indica, iii 147.

  [289] -- Epigraphia Carnatica (Rice), Part i. p. 176, No. 120.

  [290] -- I have published a rough list of eighty-eight of these, eighty-four of which are dated, in my "Lists of Antiquities, Madras" (vol. ii. p. 134 ff.).

  [291] -- South Indian Inscriptions," vol. i. p. 70.

  [292] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

  [293] -- "Tetarao," "Ramygupa," and "Ouamysyuaya" (text, below, p. 314).

  [294] -- Page 108.

  [295] -- Dec. VI. l. v. cap. 5.

  [296] -- Epig. Ind., iii. 236.

  [297] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 252) states that Rama Raya "married a daughter of the son of Seoroy, by that alliance greatly adding to his influence and power." If so, "Seoroy" must be the first Narasa The historian says that "Seoroy dying was succeeded by his son, a minor, who did not live long after him, and left the throne to a younger brother." These brothers, then, were the second Narasa, called also Vira Narasimha, and Krishna Deva. The rest of Firishtah's account does not tally with our other sources of information. As being son-in-law of Krishna Deva, Rama was called "Aliya," which means "son-in-law," and by this name he is constantly known.

  [298
] -- Ind. Ant., xiii. 154.

  [299] -- Vol. iv. pp. 247 -- 249, 276 -- 282.

  [300] -- See the pedigree above. The young son would be Venkata, and the uncle, Ranga.

  [301] -- Who all these were we do not know. The boy Venkata's uncles would be either brothers of Ranga or brothers of the queen-mother, widow of Achyuta. Achyuta's nephew referred to could not be Sadasiva, because he survived. He may have been nephew of the Rani. The assassination of the boy-king recalls to our minds the story of Firishtah of the murder of the infant prince by "Hoje" Tirumala.

  [302] -- Sister, that is, of Krishna Deva. As above stated, Rama Raya, for undoubtedly he is here referred to, married Krishna Deva's daughter, not sister, so far as we can gather.

  [303] -- Caesar Frederick states that Rama and his two brothers, of whom Tirumala was minister and Venkatadri commander-in-chief, kept the rightful kings prisoners for thirty years prior to their downfall in 1565. If so, this would include the reign of Achyuta, and the story would differ from that of Nuniz, who represents King Achyuta as free but subject to the malign influence of his "two brothers-in-law." These two may, perhaps, represent Rama and Tirumala, who are said to have married two daughters of Krishna Deva. They would, however, not have been really brothers-in-law of Achyuta.

  [304] -- Senhor Lopes, Dos Reis De Bisnaga, Introduction, p. lxix.

  [305] -- Firishtah (Scott, i. 271).

  [306] -- So Firishtah. The Muhammadan historian of the Qutb Shahi dynasty of Golkonda, translated by Briggs, tells this story of Quli Qutb Shah, Jamshid's predecessor (Firishtah, Briggs, iii. 371).

  [307] -- The terms of this treaty are interesting, as they throw much light on the political and commercial relations of the Portuguese at this period with the two great states their neighbours.

  The contracting parties are stated to be the king of Portugal by his deputy, the captain-general and governor of Goa, Dom Joao de Castro, and the great and powerful King Sadasiva, king of Bisnaga.

  (A) Each party to be friends of the friends, and enemy of the enemies, of the other; and, when called on, to help the other with all their forces against all kings and lords in India, the Nizam Shah always excepted.

  (B) The governor of Goa will allow all Arab and Persian horses landed at Goa to be purchased by the king of Vijayanagar on due notice and proper payment, none being permitted to be sent to Bijapur.

  (C) The king of Vijayanagar will compel all merchants in his kingdom trading with the coast to send their goods through ports where the Portuguese have factors, permitting none to proceed to Bijapur ports.

  (D) The king of Vijayanagar will forbid the importation of saltpetre and iron into his kingdom from any Bijapur port; and will compel its purchase from Portuguese factors.

  (E) The same with cloths, copper, tin, China silk, &c.

  (F) The king of Vijayanagar will allow no Moorish ship or fleet to stop in his ports, and if any should come he will capture them and send them to Goa. Both parties agree, to wage war on the Adil Shah, and all territory taken from the latter shall belong to Vijayanagar, except lands on the west of the Ghats from Banda on the north to Cintacora on the south, which lands shall belong to the king of Portugal.

  [308] -- Muharram, A.H. 956. But the Portuguese records state that Asada Khan died in 1545 (Danvers, i. 465).

  [309] -- Danvers' "Portuguese in India," i. 465, 466.

  [310] -- Briggs, iii. 328.

  [311] -- Below, p. 383.

  [312] -- Briggs' "Firishtah," iii. 397, &c.

  [313] -- Senhor Lopes has recently found amongst the archives in the Torre do Tombo in Lisbon a paper, dated 1555 A.D., which states that the king of Vijayanagar had consented to aid Ibrahim Adil Shah against Ain-ul-Mulkh and "the Meale" (i.e. Prince Abdullah, called "Meale Khan" by the Portuguese), in return for a present of 700,000 pardaos (CORPO CHRONOLOGICO, Part i., packet 97, No. 40).

  [314] -- Scott's edit., i. 284.

  [315] -- The Muhammadans seem to have always treated Rama Rajah as king. Sadasiva was perhaps too young at that period to have had a son, and the allusion is probably to a son of Rama.

  [316] -- King Sadasiva was apparently not strewn.

  [317] -- That Ali Adil actually made this visit is confirmed by the narrative of a Golkonda historian, whose work has been translated and published by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 402). The story may be compared with that told above of the visit of Firuz Shah Bahmani to King Deva Raya in A.D. 1406, which had a similar ending.

  [318] -- Dec. VII. l. vii. c 1.

  [319] -- See also Briggs' "Firistah," iii. 403 -- 405.

  [320] -- Firishtah relates an interesting anecdote about this in his history of the Ahmadnagar Sultans. Hussain Nizam Shah desired to make peace with Vijayanagar, and Rama Raja offered to grant it on certain conditions, one of which was that Kallian should he restored to Bijapur, and another that the Nizam Shah should submit to pay him a visit and receive betel from him. Hussain was in such straits that he accepted these severe terms and went to Rama Raja's camp, "who rose on his entering his tent (he did not go out to meet him) and kissed his hand. The Sultan, from foolish pride, called for a basin and ewer, and washed his hands, as if they had been polluted by the touch of Ramraaje, who, enraged at the affront, said in his own language, 'If he were not my guest he should repent this insult;' then calling for water, he also washed." Hussain then gave up the keys of Kallian.

  [321] -- Scott's "Firishtah." i. 291; Briggs, iii. 406.

  [322] -- 20th Jamada 'l awwal, Hijra 972. Firishtah (Scott), i. 295; Briggs, iii. 413.

  [323] -- Though, in fact, the battle did not take place there, but many miles to the south of the river. Talikota is twenty-five miles north of the Krishna. The battle took place ten miles from Rama Raya's camp south of the river, wherever that may have been. There is no available information on this point, but it was probably at Mudkal, the celebrated fortress. The ford crossed by the allies would appear to be that at the bend of the river at Ingaligi, and the decisive battle seems to have been fought in the plains about the little village of Bayapur or Bhogapur, on the road leading directly from Ingaligi to Mudkal.

  [324] -- Couto (Dec. VIII. c. 15) tells an incredible story that Rama Raya was utterly ignorant of any impending attack, and never even heard that the enemy had entered his territories till the news was brought one day while he was at dinner.

  [325] -- Below, pp. 275 to 279.

  [326] -- I have seen on several occasions bodies of men collected together at Vijayanagar and the neighbourhood, dressed and armed in a manner which they assured me was traditional. They wore rough tunics and short drawers of cotton, stained to a rather dark red-brown colour, admirably adapted for forest work, but of a deeper hue than our English khaki. They grimly assured me that the colour concealed to a great extent the stains of blood from wounds. Their weapons were for the most part spears. Some had old country swords and daggers.

  [327] -- Firishtah gives the date as "Friday the 20th of Jumad-oos-Sany," A.H. 972 (Briggs, iii. 414), but the day of the month given corresponds to Tuesday, not Friday.

  [328] -- What follows is taken entirely from Firishtah (Scott, i. 296 ff.; Briggs, iii 128, 247).

  [329] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15.

  [330] -- An interesting note by Colonel Briggs is appended to his translation of these passages of Firishtah (iii. 130). "It affords a striking example at once of the malignity of the Mahomedans towards this Hindoo prince, and of the depraved taste of the times, when we see a sculptured representation of Ramraj's head, at the present day, serving as the opening of one of the sewers of the citadel of Beejapoor, and we know that the real head, annually covered with oil and red pigment, has been exhibited to the pious Mahomedans of Ahmudnuggur, on the anniversary of the battle, for the last two hundred and fifty years, by the descendants of the executioner, in whose hands it has remained till the present period." This was written in 1829.

  [331] -- Couto calls them "Bedues," probably for "Beduinos," "Bedouins" or wandering tribes.

  [3
32] -- In this I follow Couto; but the Golkonda historian quoted by Briggs (Firishtah, iii. 414) states that the "allied armies halted for ten days on the field of action, and then proceeded to the capital of Beejanuggur." It is, however, quite possible that both accounts are correct. The advanced Muhammadan troops are almost certain to have been pushed on to the capital. The main body, after the sovereigns had received information that no opposition was offered, may have struck their camp on the tenth day.

  [333] -- Purchas, edit. of 1625, ii. p. 1703.

  [334] -- Couto states that this diamond was one which the king had affixed to the base of the plume on his horse's headdress (Dec. VIII. c. 15). (See Appendix A.)

  [335] -- Portuguese Armezim, "a sort of Bengal taffeta" (Michaelis' Dict.).

  [336] -- Gold coins of Vijayanagar.

  [337] -- KULLAYI. See below, p. 252, 273, 383, and notes.

  [338] -- Dec. VIII. c. 15. I have taken this and the next paragraph from Lopes's Chronica Dos Reys De Bisnaga, Introd., p. lxviii.

  [339] -- Writing in 1675, the travelled Fryer relates what he saw of the Inquisition at Goa. I take the following from his Letter iv., chapter ii. "Going the next Morning to the Palace-Stairs, we saw their Sessions-House, the bloody Prison of the Inquisition; and in a principal Market-place was raised an Engine a great height, at top like a Gibbet, with a Pulley, with steppings to go upon, as on a Flagstaff, for the Strapado, which unhinges a Man's joints; a cruel Torture. Over against these Stairs is an Island where they burn ... all those condemned by the Inquisitor, which are brought from the Sancto Officio dress'd up in most horrid Shapes of Imps and Devils, and so delivered to the executioner.... St. Jago, or St. James's Day, is the Day for the Aucto De Fie." And in chapter v. of the same Letter he states that, when he was at Goa, "all Butcher's Meat was forbidden, except Pork" -- a regulation irksome enough even to the European residents, but worse for those Hindus allowed by their caste rules to eat meat, but to whom pork is always especially distasteful. Linschoten, who was in India from 1583 to 1589, mentions the imprisonments and tortures inflicted on the Hindus by the Inquisition (vol. ii. pp. 158 -- 227).

  [340] -- Caesar Frederick.

  [341] -- i.e., they advanced by way of Mudkal, Tavurugiri, and Kanakagiri, a distance of about fifty-five miles, to Anegundi on the north bask of the river at Vijayanagar.