The Parnell Affair

by James, Seth

  Pete stared off into space, nodding absently for a moment before he spoke. “Yes, yes that's right,” he said. “No one who's ever done this would want to do it without cause. But we do know it's right—beyond question—because none of this could happen unless it was as god intended.”

  “Yes!” Paul cried. “If there are any hoops we have to jump through—in order to force this war, to rise to our rightful place among the kings of this world—then it's right because those hoops are set out by god and only god is above us!”

  Chapter 10

  Friday morning, Tobias bundled up against the morning cold and biked to the train station, where he knew the newsstands would receive some of the first copies of The Washington Observer. He and Sally, upon his return, breathed a mutual sigh of relief: no last-minute unforeseen mischance had hindered their story's appearance.

  “The question now becomes,” Sally said, “what will the network news do with it?”

  “Because we know what the cable news will do,” Tobias said.

  The morning news shows, however, made no mention of the Niger doc forgeries. Tobias tried to salve Sally's obvious disappointment by observing that the regular staff of such programs were still on holiday. The evening news shows did pick up the story but in every instance described it as “calling into question” the veracity of the Niger documents.

  “I only wish this were surprising,” Tobias said, sipping coffee on the couch with Sally sprawled beside him, half across his lap. “The real test will be tomorrow when we see how many newspapers pick up and reprint the story.”

  “And Sunday,” Sally added, “when the news/interview shows debate the week's top stories. They won't still be using the second string by then, do you think?”

  The TV news was interrupted, however, before Tobias answered. A special report screen called their attention as a deep announcer’s voice proclaimed an unexpected press conference called by the White House. Sally sprang up, fumbling for the remote to turn up the volume. Donald L. LeGierz then appeared behind a blue podium before the Presidential seal and announced the capture of Khalid Sheikh Kahtani, mastermind of 9/11 and second in command of Al Qaeda. LeGierz briefly described the mission and the proofs of “KSK's” capture, thus beginning the general abbreviation of the man's name. LeGierz took no questions and the evening news babbling response to the announcement was not worth watching. Tobias shut off the television.

  “How convenient,” Sally said, leaning her elbows on her knees.

  “Wonder how long they've had him on ice, waiting to wheel out the good news in response to some bad,” Tobias said, stroking her back. “In a way, it tells us how worried they are: they wouldn't have run that story in this otherwise quiet media market—with so many people away on vacation—unless they knew they had to counter our story.”

  “I suppose you're right,” Sally said. “But why do I feel we've miscounted the trumps?”

  “You too?” he said and tried to laugh. “We won't really know anything until Congress returns to DC and decides what to do with our story. If nothing else, it gives the Dems plenty of ammo with which to fire accusations of incompetence at the Administration. Hey, that could be their main concern, the White House's, which is why they wheeled out KSK's capture. To say, 'look, look, we did something right.'”

  “Let's cling to that hope,” she said. “But we proved it! Not intent, perhaps, but that their case for war was based on lies. I don't know,” she sighed, falling back into the couch. “Maybe you're right. Maybe this is merely them undermining our bad news. Maybe it's a sign that they're refocusing their attention on Afghanistan. That's cold comfort, though.”

  Tobias put his arm around her. “We'll know more when Congress returns,” he said. “And when the town is back to normal, maybe I'll go and pay LeGierz another afternoon visit—demand an official apology from the White House to a Ms. Sally Parnell. Round two.”

  “Ha, round two,” she said. “Jab him one right in the mouth. I'm starting to dislike his puckering little face.”

  The Sunday news/interview shows did indeed treat the Niger document forgeries but, as Tobias predicted, they seemed content to question the Administration's competence rather than follow the trail of circumstances toward the conclusion of conspiracy and malice aforethought which the internet and protest groups seized upon. But the internet was disregarded by in large, and the weather was too cold for any serious protesting; most Americans have come to view such spectacles as little more than impromptu parades, with less content than traffic interruptions.

  The first week of January seemed likely to further the anticlimax as Tobias met with uncharacteristic difficulties in obtaining access to returning Senators. His press pass was even challenged at one of the Senate Office Buildings. Appointments were impossible, staff walked the other way at Tobias's approach, and if he managed to ambush a Senator or Representative outside the office, Tobias might as well have had the plague or been a prostitute judging by their backpedaling and looking this way and that for cameras. Had he ruined his name? He couldn't believe it; no Congressman was involved in his story. He wished Jim MacPherson—or the Senator he worked for, Senator Sablevini—would return so he could get a clear answer. But neither Jim nor Sablevini had returned to Washington yet. And then it hit him. Only Republican Congressmen had returned early from their constituencies. The Democratic Congressmen were taking their time.

  It was nearly another week before the Democratic caucus returned to Washington but when it did Tobias was greeted with open arms. Doors were held for him, first-term Representatives ran to shake his hand, and every Chief of Staff and strategist wanted to buy Tobias a drink and pick his brain. He ate three lunches a day, all at invitation. The congratulations were expressed with the true sincerity often evinced by self interest. And always amongst such well-dones and ata-boys were calls for more dirt. In particular they wanted to know what Tobias had left out of his story—what he knew but couldn't print.

  “You do, do you?” he asked one evening at a pub known for the discretion of its staff. “And what do I get in return?”

  “Ha ha! I'd give you my first born but you wouldn't want the maintenance costs,” Senator Bill Snajder said.

  “Oh, that's right,” Tobias said, “he's in law school now, isn't he?”

  “First Princeton, now Harvard,” Snajder said. “He thinks they pay us something in the Senate. If it weren't for his mother's career,” he said and took a drink theatrically.

  “Well, skip the first born son and just tell me what you plan to do with the story you've got,” Tobias said.

  “We won't let them forget it,” Snajder said. “Every appropriations meeting, every vote on military spending, and certainly every bit of business in SSCI will be preambled by a reference to the forged Niger documents.”

  “And what about an investigation?” Tobias asked.

  “Oh, be reasonable, will you?” Snajder said. He motioned to the bartender for two more.

  “Unless you do something with the story,” Tobias said, “more than rub their noses in it, why should they drop their ambition to start a war? An investigation could reveal who forged the Niger documents and who ordered it.”

  “With the Republicans in control of both houses?” Snajder said. “Act your age. It would never even come to a vote. Listen, if we make things tough enough on them, they'll have to put so much energy into staying in power that they won't have enough left over for starting unprovoked wars.”

  “Unless the war is how they stay in power,” Tobias said.

  “No, no, just wait for the State of the Union,” Snajder said, waving a hand. “After the dot-com bubble burst, we've had a jobless recovery. They'll focus on the economy, on tax breaks for the wealthy, doing away with the estate tax, and deregulation. They won't have time for war because they'll be focusing on their campaign contributors.”

  “I hope you're right,” Tobias said. “And I've seen the most recent polls: the majority of the country doesn't believe Saddam
has nuclear weapons. But neither of those things clear the name of the woman whose career was destroyed and life taken away from her at the start of the whole Niger document affair. How about voting through a formal apology to Ms. Sally Parnell?”

  “And here I thought it was Mrs.,” Snajder said, smiling but holding in a laugh.

  Tobias said nothing.

  “Seems I recall someone telling me she'd been seen at The Four Seasons with a reporter from The Observer,” Snajder said.

  Tobias told him the same as last time.

  “Aw, you can tell me—off the record!” Snajder said, shaking Tobias by the arm. “You didn't think that was a secret? Not that I blame you. Jesus, but that's a beautiful woman.”

  “Come on, Bill,” Tobias said. “They took everything from Sally. You say, with the Republicans holding both houses, an investigation is unlikely, maybe impossible. Okay. But a little simple recognition that she was wronged?”

  “That, I'll try,” Snajder said. “I doubt I'll get anywhere with it, but I'll try. It'll all change in '04, though. We're bound to pick up seats, the way they're running things.”

  “2004!” Tobias said.

  “What do you want? We need the seats to do anything,” Snajder said. “An apology may be a great idea, actually: give us a non-partisan excuse to hold hearings. Now, what comes out in those hearings—” he took another drink.

  “And you think their giving up on war with Iraq?” Tobias asked.

  “Just wait for the State of the Union,” Snajder said. “You'll see. I heard there's some other evidence of WMD in Iraq, but it's minor; I figure it's little stuff they're throwing out there to make themselves look less gullible for believing in that Niger document crap. Wait for the State of the Union Address. They'll focus on the economy, we'll tear them apart on jobs and program cuts next November, take back at least one chamber—if not the White House—and then we'll see about public apologies—and investigations.”

  Tobias had pushed for interviewing members of the Howland Administration—including the President—but some in the office were against his doing so, namely the Editor in Chief and Les Vonka. The EIC, seemingly troubled by the lukewarm response to Tobias's first exposé on the forged Niger documents, had called off any further installments without additional evidence. Tobias would have needed his pull—at the very least—to even make overtures to the White House for interviews; without his support, it was impossible. Vonka and a couple national-desk reporters weren't keen on Tobias's usurping their beat and also let it be known that further investigations ought to go through them. Tobias had never bothered much with intra-office turf battles—they were happy enough to accept his help in the past—but couldn't simply circumvent the opposition without more to add to his story. And so he repeated to himself Senator Snajder's advice and waited for the State of the Union Address.

  For the event, he and Sally made popcorn and opened a bottle of prosecco (Tobias had had to face facts and start economizing; Sally paid no attention, hoping she hadn't imposed upon him or embarrassed him). As was usually the case, they stayed at his apartment; the ghosts of husbands past made her house a bit awkward. As the House Sergeant at Arms announced the President of the United States of America on Tobias's little TV, Tobias and Sally shared a look, crossed their fingers, and took a drink for luck.

  The pomp and fanfare of the President's address to Congress despite its populist trappings and fiction of equality among the branches of government, had all the atmosphere of a royal visit. The Republican caucus stomped their feet and cheered in addition to the more traditional applause. President Howland glad-handed his way forward, buoyant in stride like a prize fighter meeting his crowd. The Speaker of the House had just the right amount of trouble calling the Congress to order, punctuated by a comic look of disapproval at the President as if to say, 'If you weren't so adored, this would be easier.' As if at a signal not seen on camera, however, the assembly took their seats and the President began.

  After the ceremonial greeting of the Vice President and Speaker of the House, the Congress, and the people, the President opened his list of accomplishments and plans with his education mandate, an ambitious plan to improve flagging test scores through high standards and privatization. Next he detailed the creation of the Department of Homeland Security.

  “There's something vaguely fascist in that name,” Tobias murmured. “I've never liked it.”

  “More layers of bureaucracy to filter intelligence through,” Sally said. “That'll make it more timely.”

  The President then addressed a recent corporate scandal, the largest in US history to that date, and promised reform. Noting the high jobless rate, the President declared the solution was to cut taxes, particularly on investments, and balance the budget. In addition, the President urged Congress to adopt a plan that called for Social Security funds to be placed in 'retirement accounts,' which invested the money in the stock market. From there he tackled the other great social welfare topic: healthcare. The President decried the notion of “nationalizing” healthcare providers and then declared the need to strengthen Medicare and form a government program to subsidize prescription drugs.

  “So government meddling in healthcare is bad,” Sally said, “so we need a stronger Medicare—the biggest and most popular government program? And then add a huge prescription drug plan on top of it? How do you do that while reducing revenue through tax cuts?”

  “By balancing the budget, silly,” Tobias said facetiously.

  The war on drugs, abortion, faith-based abstinence programs to fight the spread of AIDS in Africa, and even a multibillion dollar program to develop hydrogen power cells all came in due course.

  Finally, the President mentioned Afghanistan—to say America's mission there was to liberate, secure, rebuild, and educate—but then leaped Iran and Iraq and landed his speech in Israel, where he reiterated his frequent calls for a secure Israel and a democratic Palestine.

  “He's jumping all over the place,” Tobias said. “He's usually more focused than this.”

  “And he's rushing,” Sally said. “All of ten seconds on Afghanistan?”

  President Howland took a breath and caught his audience with a thoughtful stare before continuing. Terrorism, he intoned as his next topic. He mentioned without specifying names that terrorist leaders had been captured or “dealt with.” But the House and Senate knew whom he meant and gave a roaring applause. “We have the terrorists on the run!” he cried over their clapping, which inspired only more.

  “He's focusing on terrorism,” Sally said hopefully, finding Tobias's hand with hers. “Maybe he won't mention Iraq at all.”

  President Howland gave the credit of their success in part to working with other countries. And then he made an odd non sequitur comment about anti-ballistic missile defense. The crowd didn't seem to follow and wanted to hear more, but the President's face showed no signs of having gaffed. From there, he called upon the government and the people to remember 9/11. “Remember, my friends, where it began on that frightful day,” he said, “from the Twin Towers to the peaceful fields of Pennsylvania to the Pentagon, fortress of our defense.

  “For today, our greatest danger lies with outlaw regimes,” he continued, “that seek to possess nuclear weapons. If permitted to obtain or develop and build such Weapons of Mass Destruction, these fervent enemies of peace could blackmail, terrorize, and murder on a horrific scale. And doubt not, my friends, that the ultimate goal of these outlaw regimes is to use their nuclear weapons to arm their terrorist allies. Faced with such limitless ambitions of murder and hate, we are called again to rise together against the scourge of Hitlerism, totalitarianism, and the radical desire to destroy all who are free.

  “We have gone to the UN to demand Iraq surrender its nuclear program and materials. We have supported the IAEA in its tracking of known nuclear stockpiles. We have sought and patiently awaited the results of weapons inspectors. But we will do more than merely follow a procedure. Yes, my friends, we wil
l achieve our desired result. Whatever action is required, whatever action is necessary, I will defend the freedom and security of the American people.

  “For we have seen—haven't we?—what complacency and indulgence have wrought in North Korea: a dangerous and malevolent dictator of an outlawed regime there holds the region in fear of nuclear holocaust—because too little was done to prevent his mad ambition to create such horrible weapons! We must learn from the failures with North Korea and not allow a greater threat to arise in Iraq.

  “There a brutal dictator, who has murdered thousands of his own people with Weapons of Mass Destruction, a remorseless despot with ties to terrorism, with great potential wealth, must not be permitted to dominate a vital region and threaten the United States. Saddam agreed, after his failed bid to conquer the Middle East starting with Kuwait, to abandon his nuclear program and dismantle its apparatus. Over the next twelve long years he systematically violated that agreement.

  “The United Nations gave Saddam his final warning three months ago. Inspectors were sent yet again. But after exhaustive searches and investigations no evidence was found of the destruction of Saddam's nuclear program. And yet, Iraqi defectors and IAEA reports from throughout the '90s attest to its existence.

  “The British government has learned that Saddam Hussein recently sought significant quantities of uranium from Africa.

  “Intelligence suggests he attempted to purchase special aluminum tubing used in uranium enrichment.

  “There is only one conclusion that we can draw from this evidence, my friends. The dictator of Iraq is not disarming, not cooperating with inspectors or allowing free discourse with his scientists. With Weapons of Mass Destruction, Saddam could resume his ambition of conquering the Middle East. Before 9/11, people thought this monstrous despot could be contained; we now see how foolish was that hope. Imagine now those nineteen hijackers armed with Saddam Hussein's nuclear weapons. It would take only a single crate slipped into our country to bring a day of horror more terrible than we have ever known.