Wandering Greeks

by Garland, Robert

  Not all ventures were state-supported and state-led. Ancient sources tend to emphasize the compulsory and organized nature of emigration, but some were private undertakings for personal gain. Examples include the settlement of Rhodes by the fugitive Tlepolemus (Hom. Il. 2.653–70; see later, chapter 8) and the abortive attempts by the Spartan prince Dorieus to settle first in North Africa and later in Sicily (Hdt. 5.42–45). Another private venture was that of the Athenian general Miltiades, son of Cypselus, to whom the Thracians living in the Chersonese appealed for military assistance in dealing with their neighbors. After receiving Delphi’s approval, Miltiades accepted the invitation “because he was unhappy with Pisistratus’s rule and wanted to leave.” He sailed off with other Athenians of similar political persuasion and became a tyrant in the Chersonese (Hdt. 6.34–36). Though we only rarely hear of private ventures of this sort, the phenomenon may well have been more common than its infrequency in our sources suggests.

  The Role of Apollo

  We can hardly overestimate the courage, spirit, and enterprise of the pioneers. They succeeded, so the belief went, because they placed themselves under the protection and patronage of Apollo of Delphi, who in Callimachus’s arresting phrase “weaves the foundations of settlements” (Ap. 57). Without Apollo’s support those who ventured forth would have been as rudderless as the boat people who set sail from Vietnam, Haiti, Cuba, and elsewhere. With Apollo’s patronage the crew of hopefuls was assured, in theory at least, an ultimate end to the wanderings, however riddling the description of the geographical location that he had given them. That at least is the picture we receive from our literary sources.

  Indeed it is impossible to investigate settlement abroad without confronting the issue of Delphi’s centrality to the whole enterprise. Graham (1982a, 159) observed, “Believing in their gods and hence in themselves, [the Greeks] had the morale required to create permanent new communities far from home.” More recently Malkin (1987, 112–17) described Delphi as “the hub” around which all aspects of the movement operated. Even so, it is by no means certain that all ventures were preceded by a consultation with the Delphic oracle. It is conceivable that the consultations were a fifth-century fiction, as Osborne (1998, 267) and others have pointed out.

  Nonetheless we can be certain that every settlement had a unique and sometimes inspirational story to tell about its foundation and that it would have taken pride in handing that story down from one generation to the next. The uses of a foundation story were immense: it could forge a sense of common identity and it could justify a contemporary political agenda. Both Herodotus and Thucydides have preserved a number of such narratives, though to what extent they are grounded in historical fact is questionable. Regrettably no first-person account has survived, unless we count a short fragmentary poem in the first-person plural by the elegiac poet Mimnermus of Smyrna, which alludes with tantalizing brevity to the hubris and violence of the settlers who founded Colophon (fr. 9 IEG = Str. Geog. 14.1.4 C634). In addition, the natural philosopher and theologian Xenophanes, who was a native of that city, wrote an epic poem on the ktisis (foundation) of Colophon and another on the apoikismos (settlement) of Elea by Colophonians in flight from the Persians. His poems on the subject amounted to 2,000 lines in all (D.L. 9.20).

  The Size and Composition of a Settlement

  There is little evidence as to the typical number of pioneers who initially set sail in search of a new home. We have figures of 200 for Apollonia in Illyria (Steph. Byz. s.v. Apollonia) and 1,000 for Leucas (Ps.-Scylax 34 in GGM I.36). If we suppose that each of the 279 settlements required at least 200 to be a going concern, then the number of first-wave pioneers must have been roughly 56,000. However, some enterprises, like the one dispatched to found Leucas, are likely to have been considerably larger. If we include secondary and even tertiary influxes, and make allowance as well for ventures that came to grief with perhaps total loss of life, then the number of Greeks who sought to settle abroad is likely to have been several times that number.

  Whereas the original nucleus would usually have been drawn from a single city-state, the next generation was frequently recruited from a variety of different city-states. Archilochus of Paros’s characterization of those who founded Thasos as “wretches from all over Greece,” for instance, is probably a pejorative reference to late-comers (fr. 102 IEG). Some three generations after Cyrene was founded from Thera in ca. 630, Delphi issued a pronouncement inviting “all Greeks to become sunoikêsontai [permanent settlers].” The oracle backed up its offer of land distribution to all-comers with the menacing prophecy that anyone who failed to take advantage of the invitation would come to regret it in the future (Hdt. 4.159.2–3). Since the god of Delphi seems often to have provided a somewhat imprecise description of an intended foundation’s site, before setting out the pioneers would be advised to consult with traders who knew likely places in the designated region in which to settle. That they did so is suggested by the fact that all the chief cities that dispatched settlers—Chalcis, Corinth, Eretria, and so on—were very active in trade (Murray 1993, 107).

  Designating the Oikist

  We do not know how the leader of the pioneering group, termed oikistês (oikist, founder of an apoikia), was identified or appointed, unless we accept the “official” explanation—namely, that he was often designated as such by the Delphic oracle. The typical oikist is likely to have been of aristocratic background but marginalized perhaps because of a physical defect or because he nursed a grudge against his peers. In other words, he may have been motivated as much by adverse circumstances as he was by ambition and greed. Before announcing his candidacy, he would probably seek Delphic approval. It may have helped not to appear too eager. Battus of Thera, for instance, who became the oikist of Cyrene, reportedly went to Delphi in order to request the god’s assistance in overcoming his speech impediment only to be informed that the oracle had nominated him to be the leader of an overseas settlement (Hdt. 4.155).

  FIGURE 5 Silver triêmiôbolon (obol and a half) from Thasos, ca. 411–350. The obverse depicts a kneeling satyr holding a cantharus (drinking vessel). The reverse, which bears the legend THA(SI)ÔN, depicts an amphora. Thasos was settled by Parians in ca. 710–680 (Thuc. 4.104.4). The island experienced some eight instances of stasis from 411 to 340/39 (Gehrke 1985, 159–64).

  The set of qualities that an oikist needed was indeed formidable. They included charisma, self-confidence, shrewdness, self-reliance, and resourcefulness. No less importantly, he had to be a seasoned mariner, ideally equipped with a first-rate knowledge of the principal sea routes and some experience of the region in which he hoped to establish a settlement. The eventual success of the enterprise would have depended very largely on his unwavering determination, given the challenges that he faced both from the elements and from the indigenous population. He might also be presented with a challenge to his leadership whenever the enterprise faltered or faced a setback, as indeed Aeneas did on more than one occasion. The fact that the job description included the ability to demonstrate superhuman strength of will in the face of overwhelming odds is suggested by the fact that the oikist may occasionally have been worshipped as a hero after his death in the belief that his posthumous presence would continue to protect the settlement.

  Identifying the Site

  When Odysseus arrives at the land of the Cyclopes, the poet describes the amenities of the uninhabited island that lay close to the mainland as follows (Hom. Od. 9.131–36, trans. Lattimore (1965)):

  Not a bad place at all; it could bear all crops in season, and there are meadow lands near the shores of the gray sea, well-watered and soft; there could be grapes grown there endlessly, and there is smooth land for plowing; men reap a full harvest always in season, since there is very rich soil. Also there is an easy harbor.

  Homer is wearing the cap of a potential oikist. It was evidently an instinctive habit of mind, and no doubt many of his contemporaries would have evaluated a site’s potential in similar
terms. Describing the island as “not a bad place at all” is a striking example of litotes. It is a mark of the Cyclopes’ isolation, self-centeredness, and uniquely favored circumstances that they have never seen fit to turn their favored location to their own advantage. Though settlements varied considerably in geographical configuration, regular features include an offshore island (or islands) like this one, a peninsula, and a river on one or both sides of the settlement. Many sites, too, especially those in southern Italy, were situated at the end of a trade route that had been in existence long before the settlement was founded.

  Presettlement contacts between Greeks and indigenous peoples must have been commonplace, as Graham (1990, 45) pointed out, and they may well have been a factor in determining the choice of a site, as our literary sources occasionally indicate. Arganthonius, the wealthy Iberian king of Tartessus in southern Spain, invited the Phocaeans “to settle wherever they wished” in his kingdom (Hdt. 1.163.3). Though the Phocaeans rejected his offer, some settlements are known to have been founded at the invitation of the local population, or at any rate with their consent, such as Megara Hyblaea in Sicily (see later, chapter 4). Even so, we cannot assume that the oikist would have decided on a precise location before setting sail. And even if he had, unforeseen circumstances might well have forced him to change his plans and seek an alternative elsewhere.

  Choosing the Pioneers

  Though many pioneers, lured by the promise of a better life, joined on a volunteer basis, others were conscripted (katalegesthai). A fourth-century inscription relating to the establishment of the settlement at Cyrene in North Africa, which allegedly preserves the original wording of an original decree of the seventh century, required one of every two brothers to relocate from Thera to the new foundation, the intention being that no oikos would be without an heir (ML 5.28–29 = Fornara 18; cf. Hdt. 4.153). The decree also contains the following proviso, which testifies to the severity of the situation that prompted the undertaking in the first place (ll. 37–40):

  Anyone who refuses to sail if he is sent out by the city shall be liable to the death penalty and his property will be taken from him. Anyone who receives him or harbors him, whether he be the father aiding the son or a brother his brother, shall suffer the same punishment as the man who refuses to sail.

  I know of no other example of pioneers being threatened with death should they attempt to return home, but the Therans are unlikely to have been exceptional in passing such a measure. The 279 settlements that flourished (not to mention the unknown number that failed) would have included many pioneers who, even if not compelled by the state to abandon their homes, did so only with grave misgivings. Irrespective of whether the fourth-century copy replicates the language of the seventh-century original or not, the proviso strikes a highly plausible note, since “no-one leaves homes and embarks on colonization for fun” (Graham 1982a, 157).

  Imagine for a moment the plight of an impoverished farmer, living in a city-state in which famine is beginning to take its toll. The harvest has failed for two or three years in a row and all his supplies are exhausted. An emergency assembly is held to discuss the crisis and at the end a vote is called. The majority decision is that some of the population will be required to emigrate. The farmer has no alternative. Starvation is staring him in the face. Volunteers are called for. Unless enough people step forward, the state will introduce conscription, at which point the terms under which pioneers depart may be far less favorable. He considers his options. As if the threat of starvation is not enough to motivate him, those advocating emigration hold out the enticing prospect of a better life that will elevate his social status overnight.

  The fact that the pioneers often went out “on equal and fair terms,” as inscriptions state, indicates that in theory all social distinctions were abolished as soon as the expedition departed. It also suggests that the majority of volunteers came from the lower classes, like the “wretches from all over Greece,” whom Arichilochus mentions. After all, it was they who had the least to lose and the most to gain. Physical fitness was the primary qualification in the selection process. Those who were feeble or past their prime would have been a distinct liability. Mental resilience was also essential. It goes without saying that pioneers are more likely to be focused and committed if they are single. For all these reasons raw youths, particularly younger brothers, and widowers who were still in the prime of life, not destitute but hoping to improve their economic circumstances, were probably selected or conscripted in greatest numbers.

  We almost never hear of women accompanying settlers abroad, and, even if this was occasionally the practice, they would have been few in number, given the fact that the success of the enterprise was dependent upon able-bodied men. Women represented an encumbrance, added to which their chances of survival would have been much lower than that of men. Of 27,000 emigrants from France to Canada between 1608 and 1763 only 1,767 were women, and a comparable imbalance between the sexes may have existed in antiquity (Poussou 1994, 27; cited in Horden and Purcell 2000, 385). One exception to the rule is priestesses, who may have been included in the first wave of settlers because female deities were served by women (for example, Str. Geog. 4.1.4 C179: cult of Artemis in Massilia). Another is prostitutes. Though female Greek names occur on gravestones in some cemeteries, it is possible that they belonged to indigenous women who had adopted these names once they married.

  Departing

  Probably on the eve of departure both those setting sail and those remaining at home took a solemn oath binding one another to the terms of their agreement in perpetuity. The decree relating to the foundation of Cyrene indicates that the entire population attended the ceremony, including “men, women, boys, and girls.” It also alludes to wax images being burnt when the oath was taken, with a curse upon anyone who breaks the oath to the effect that “he shall melt and dissolve like the images, both himself, his descendants, and his property … whereas those who abide by the oath, both those sailing to Libya and those remaining in Thera, will enjoy an abundance of good things, both they and their descendants” (ML 5.44–51 = Fornara 18).

  According to late sources the pioneers were provided with fire from the city’s sacred hearth, with which to kindle a fire in the sacred hearth of their new settlement. The purpose of this ritual is thought to have been to symbolize the indissoluble tie that existed between mother-city and settlement, but it may have had other meanings as well, such as to guarantee the continuity of the life force in their new homeland (Graham 1982a, 148–49). Possibly some rite of exclusion revoked the pioneers’ ties with their compatriots, though we do not hear of any. Having performed a sacrifice to secure a favorable omen, they embarked on pentecontors, viz warships capable of being rowed by 50 oarsmen that had a capacity of perhaps 80. If, as seems likely, a minimum of 200 settlers had been identified, a flotilla of four ships set sail. Who funded the flotilla goes unrecorded, but it is likely that the oikist was at least partially responsible.

  From this moment on the oikist was in complete charge, no longer bound to the authorities in the mother-city and invested with the power of life and death over his companions both during the voyage and in the settlement’s foundation period. This is indicated by the word autokratôr (one possessing full powers), which is used in the fifth-century decree that lays down the terms for the establishment of the Athenian colony at Brea (ML 49.8–9 = Fornara 100). Under his leadership, the pioneers had now assumed the status of homeless persons, even in the eyes of their compatriots. They were in effect xenoi (foreigners), if not out-and-out phugades (exiles). Their condition as outsiders is graphically illustrated by Herodotus’s account of the fate of the pioneers who departed from Thera (4.156). Having failed to establish a settlement on the coast of Libya, they decided to return home. When they tried to land on the island, however, their former compatriots pelted them with missiles to prevent them from disembarking. They had no alternative but to set sail for Libya again, knowing this time there was no turning
back. Eventually they established a settlement on an island called Platea that lay off the Libyan coast.

  Only under extreme conditions did settlers have the right of return. The inscription relating to the settlement of Cyrene states that they will be permitted to reclaim their citizenship and property on Thera only if they are still experiencing “unavoidable hardship” after five years have elapsed following their departure (ML 5.33–37 = Fornara 18). Since “unavoidable hardship” meant suffering loss of life, it was highly unlikely that many of them would ever have seen their homes again, and had they done so they would no doubt have been treated as much with contempt as with compassion (cf. also ML 20.6–10 for terms on which pioneers can return to their homeland).

  Laying the Foundations

  From the moment they finally disembarked on dry land and decided to call it home the settlers had numerous tasks to fulfill. In many cases they would have been taking possession of virgin land. So they would have had to fell trees, prepare the ground, and sow the grain. Their first task was to construct palisade defenses to make sure that their settlement was secure against attack. They also had to establish it on a religious footing. This meant erecting a temporary wooden altar to Apollo Archêgetês (Founder-Leader), who, as we have seen earlier in this chapter, had overall responsibility for the success of their venture. It was the oikist’s responsibility to provide the settlement with a name (Thuc. 4.102.3). He also had to lay out precincts for the gods and designate a place to bury the dead. Early on, too, he had to identify land for cultivation, probably allocating it through a process of allotment (Hom. Od. 6.6–10). The likelihood of factious disagreement breaking out at this juncture must have been considerable, particularly since the allotments could hardly have been identical in quality, even if they were identical in size. From the middle of the fifth century it was customary to lay out the streets according to a regular grid plan, as was the case at Thurii (D.S. 12.10.7). Some seventy poleis in all were divided up in this way (see Hansen and Nielsen 2004, 1367).