Sky Masters

by Dale Brown

  developed as a counterweight to Chinese aggression. And then there are

  things we can do to advance our own military position without

  unnecessarily provoking the Chinese or alienating ASEAN..."

  "Well, sending in a second carrier battle group and a Marine

  Expeditionary Unit seems pretty provocative to me, Cesare said. "I think

  that action can be fully justified in the context of a nuclear-armed

  Chinese naval group that has moved into the South China Sea. I mean

  it's right in the heart of ASEAN, " Curtis replied. "So would sending

  in the Air Battle force for support "I don't want to send in the damned

  B-52 bombers, " the President grumbled. "Sending them in would be

  tantamount to saying we want a nuclear exchange. Christ, Curtis. "Sir,

  the biggest threat facing our carrier battle group in the South China

  Sea is not sea-based threats, but land-based threats, " Curtis argued.

  "Heavy bombers and large antiship weapons launched from shore could

  devastate the fleet . "You said that already."

  "The same argument applies to the Chinese, sir. Even a small squadron

  of Harpoon-equipped B-52s could devastate a Chinese surface action

  group-each bomber could destroy two to four vessels, with minimal risk

  to themselves." The point, however grudgingly, was made on the

  President. "So what can the Air Force do?" the President asked after a

  brief pause. "We don't have bases in the Philippines . "We'd operate

  out of Guam, sir, just like STRATFOR is doing, " Curtis replied. "We'd

  deploy the First Air Battle Wing and have the manpower and equipment out

  there on hand for both fleet defense, sea interdiction, and ground

  attack. I'm not asking for permission to send the entire Air Battle

  Wing, sir, " Curtis concluded. "We'll need time to set up-at least five

  to six days. But General Elliott of HAWC has devised a special

  combat-information exchange system aboard several of his

  aircraft-including several modified B-52s and a B-2 stealth bomber-that

  could be extremely valuable to us if the shooting starts. I'm requesting

  permission to send Elliott and one aircraft, the stealth bomber, to

  Guam-under absolute secrecyto help get things set up."

  "Elliott?" the President asked, rolling his eyes. "Brad Elliott? He's

  involved in this... already?" Curtis went slowly, calmly, trying not to

  inflame the President any further. "It was his Center's satellite

  system-PACER SKY-that got the photos of the Chinese ship launching the

  nuclear missile at the Philippine Navy. We want to expand that same

  satellite system on all the Air Battle Force aircraft. "But why send a

  B-2?" the President asked. "The B-2 is a part of the Air Battle Force

  now, sir, " General Curtis explained. "It requires a lot more security

  and a bit more ground-support pre-planning. In addition, this

  particular B-2 was General Elliott's prototype with the full PACER SKY

  satellite system installed. It also has greatly enhanced reconnaissance

  and surveillance capabilities that we will need immediately if the Air

  Battle Force is activated." The President thought about the proposal a

  bit, then, with a weary and exasperated sigh shook his head. "Listen,

  Wilbur, I can't decide on any of that now. Continue with current

  directives and keep me advised. I've got some thinking to do."

  "Sir, may I?" "Save it, Wilbur. Thank you." The meeting was definitely

  over. RESIDENCE OF THE PREMIER, BAIYUNGUAN TERRACE BEIJING, REPUBLIC OF

  CHINA THURSDAY, 29 SEPTEMBER 1994, 0602 HOURS LOCAL (WEDNESDAY, 28

  SEPTEMBER, 1702 HOURS WASHINGTON TIME) The streets were still relatively

  empty as the small motorcade of dark, unmarked cars raced down Shilibao

  Avenue westward past Tian'anmen Square, then north past Yuyan Tan

  People's Park toward the Premier's residence in Baiyunguan Terrace, a

  complex of residences, green rolling hills, parks, and temples built

  especially for the Communist government leaders. Outer security at the

  twisting single-lane entrance was provided by a single unarmed guard who

  would politely point and describe the complex to tourists and children

  and even offer to take pictures for visitors; inside the narrow portal,

  however, was a detail of three thousand heavily armed soldiers,

  hand-picked by Premier Cheung Yat Sing himself, that guarded the

  sixtyacre complex. Once inside the complex, the motorcade sped past

  willowlined streets and meticulously tended sidewalks as they curved

  upward toward the center cluster of buildings, the private residence of

  Premier Cheung. The motorcade came to a sudden halt underneath a long

  breezeway, and the limousine's occupants hurried inside the reception

  hall. If they had paused to look, they could have seen one of the

  grandest vistas in all Beijing-Yuyan Tan Lake to the west, the expansive

  Peking Zoo to the north, and the massive brick monuments of the Imperial

  Palace and Tian'anmen Square to the east, now glowing fiery crimson in

  the rising sun. But the limousine's occupants were hustled directly

  inside and to the immediate meeting with the Premier himself in his

  private office. Leing Yee Tak, ambassador to China from the Republic of

  Vietnam, hardly had time to remove his shoes before none other than

  Premier Cheung himself entered the office, along with members of his

  Cabinet. This was highly unusual: the Premier never met with lowly

  ambassadors, only heads of state or occasionally minister- or

  Cabinet-level officials. Leing waited until the Premier had taken his

  seat at the center of a long dark granite table, then bowed deeply and

  approached the table. Cheung immediately offered him a seat with a

  gesture, and Leing sat. His interpreter aide remained standing behind

  him. Cheung was old, incredibly old even for a Chinese politician. The

  ninety-one-year-old leader of the world's most populous nation still

  moved fairly well without assistance, although two burly Chinese Marines

  were on hand to help him in and out of his chair. His hair was dark,

  obviously dyed at the insistence of his advisers or from some

  deep-seated vanity, but his face was deeply etched from age and his

  fingers gnarled from arthritis. But Leing had been taught from his

  first days in the Vietnamese Socialist Party and the People's Foreign

  Ministry that the eyes were the giveaway-Cheung's eyes were still

  gleaming, still quick, still alert. Despite rumors to the contrary,

  Cheung still appeared to be in charge... But after quickly scanning the

  faces of the other Cabinet members, perhaps not. The Chinese Foreign

  Minister, Party Counsel, and Minister of Commerce were present, but the

  Ministers of Interior, Finance, Defense, and Industry were all replaced

  by their military counterparts. This was a military tribunal

  represented here, not a peacetime government. And Leing knew well the

  Supreme Commander of the People's Liberation Army, High General Chin Po

  Zihong. Chin was young for a Chinese government official-sixty-seven,

  if Leing remembered correctly-but he appeared to be half that age. He

  was a short, barrel-chested, dark-haired Mongol that instantly reminded

  one of how the Mongol hordes of centuries past
had struck fear into the

  hearts of soldiers throughout Europe and Asia. Unlike most other

  high-ranking military officers, Chin wore few accoutrements on his

  plain, dark grey uniform. He didn't need ribbons and badges to

  demonstrate his power and authority to others. Cheung spoke, and

  afterward his interpreter said, "The Premier extends his government's

  greeting to Comrade Leing. The Premier wishes to know if there is

  anything that would make the ambassador from the Republic of Vietnam

  more comfortable."

  "Nothing, Comrade Premier, " Leing replied. "I thank you for your

  generous offer. I too wish to extend the greetings of the Republic of

  Vietnam." Cheung bowed slightly at the neck, and the civilian members

  of the Cabinet did likewise-the military members did not move. Chin

  appeared as immobile as stone, unblinking and inscrutable. "The Premier

  wishes to extend an invitation to the ambassador from Vietnam to attend

  a briefing on the situation in the Philippines and the South China Sea,

  " the interpreter said. "High General Chin will conduct the briefing.

  We will outline the actions and events that precipitated the current

  military actions in that nation and explain our objectives and

  intentions." Leing could have fallen over backward in surprise. The Chi

  nese Chief of Staff himself, conducting a briefing on his military

  actions-for a member of the Vietnamese government? The offer was

  astounding. China and Vietnam had a long, off-again and on-again

  relationship over the past fifty years. Both were Communist republics;

  Vietnam's government was fashioned as a smaller copy of China's. Both

  were military powers in the Pacific, with Vietnam having the world's

  fourth-largest army and the world's eighth-largest small-boat navy. But

  political relations were based on expediency and short-term interests,

  and those relations were usually stormy at best and warlike at worst.

  Currently, relations were at the simmering but nonbelligerent level. The

  Spratly Islands question, long a point of contention, was at an impasse,

  with China having the definite edge. Vietnam had countered with its

  full membership in ASEAN, and with improving its relations with the

  Soviet Union, the United States, and many other countries. The brief

  but violent war over the Spratly Islands in the late 1980s was all but

  forgotten, border skirmishes were rare, and things were tense but

  bloodless for a few years now. Why would China feel the need to advise

  Vietnam on its current conflict in the Philippines? "On behalf of my

  government, I accept your gracious offer, Comrade Premier, " Leing

  replied warily. "The incidents of the past few days in the Philippines

  have caused much concern in my country. "Allow me to assure you, Comrade

  Ambassador, " the interpreter said, "that the People's Republic of China

  harbors no ill feeling toward Vietnam. Our forces will not threaten any

  Vietnamese facilities or vessels in the region. You have the word of

  the Premier."

  "I thank you for your assurances, Comrade Premier, " Leing said. Leing

  risked a full glance at General Chin, to perhaps see if Chin, the real

  power where Chinese foreign intrigue was concerned, would give similar

  assurances; he did not. His return stare was powerful enough to make

  Leing silent: "Your assurances are important, since Chinese naval

  vessels patrol the entire Spratly archipelago, within striking distance

  of Vietnamese-settled islands. My government will be relieved to hear

  that these warships mean no harm." It was General Chin's turn to speak

  now, and he did so without waiting for permission. "I give you my

  assurance that no Chinese vessel will approach any Vietnamese-claimed

  islands or interfere with Vietnamese naval operations in any way, he

  said through the interpreter. Leing's own interpreter gave a slightly

  different version of Chin's statement-he said that no Chinese vessel

  will land on a Vietnamese-claimed island or interfere with legitimate

  Vietnamese naval operations in any way. Leing nodded. The exact

  wording was not important: these men were not to be trusted no matter

  what they said. Actions spoke louder than words, and so far their

  actions suggested the Chinese Navy was in the Spratly Islands to stay.

  "So I am to assume, Comrade General, that Chinese warships will continue

  to patrol north of the neutral zone, in violation of international

  treaty?"

  "We were invited by the government of the Philippines to assist in

  national self-defense matters, " Chin said. "The request included

  patrolling their islands for signs of rebel activity. We are protecting

  their interests as well as yours, since as we have seen the rebel

  military's actions are a threat to all nations." Lies, Leing thought,

  struggling to keep his face as impassive as possible. The whole world

  knows it was a Chinese nuclear warhead that exploded in the Palawan

  Straits. Do they really expect me to believe this fairy tale? "My

  government appreciates the truth in your words, Comrade General, " Leing

  said evenly, "but also prefers that international treaties be strictly

  followed."

  "The terms of the treaty between us have been altered by recent events,

  " the Chinese Foreign Minister, Zhou Ti Yanbing, said. "Because of the

  nuclear explosion, we felt our forces were at substantial risk in the

  South China Sea and that an escalation of our naval presence was

  necessary. At the same time, we were invited by the government of the

  Philippines to assist them in putting down a suspected coup and a

  violent military attack by well-armed forces. Those are the facts, and

  we speak the truth." Not the whole truth, Leing noted: it was the

  Chinese who set off the nuclear explosion, the Chinese who posed the

  greatest risk to neighboring nations. The Philippine coup was just a

  fortuitous opportunity for the Chinese to complete their long

  sought-after conquest. . "However, the situation has become even more

  unstable for us and for all nations involved in this incident, " Zhou

  continued. "We realize that new priorities must be established and new

  ties formed between the affected nations-especially between China and

  Vietnam." "What sort of ties are you referring to, Comrade Foreign

  Minister?" There was a pause, an uneasy silence notably between General

  Chin and Premier Cheung-although no words or glances were exchanged, the

  two men were on edge. Then Cheung spoke, and the interpreter said, "We

  wish to issue a ninetynine-year irrevocable lease to the Republic of

  Vietnam to occupy, develop, patrol, and regulate affairs in the entire

  Nansha Island archipelago." Leing was stunned. "I... Please, Comrade

  Premier, if you would be so good to repeat your last statement. General

  Chin made a sudden outburst, and Cheung replied hotly without turning

  toward him. "The General said, 'This is nonsense, ' and the Premier

  ordered him to keep quiet, " Leing's interpreter whispered into the

  ambassador's ear. "I believe you heard correctly, Comrade Ambassador, "

  Foreign Minister Zhou said through his interpreter. "We wish to turn

  over c
ontrol of the Nansha Islands to Vietnam. We will surrender all

  interests we currently hold in the islands to you for a period of

  ninety-nine years, after which time we will agree to enter into

  negotiations for outright transfer of ownership or an extension of the

  lease to you." Then Leing's interpreter added, "It appears to me that

  General Chin is opposed to the plan." Leing was shocked. China, which

  patrolled the Nansha Islands-the Chinese term for the Spratly Islands-as

  if they were a mainland province-had even defended their rights to the

  islands with atomic weapons. Now they were willing to just give the

  islands up? And give them up to Vietnam, which was once an ally but was

  now a clear adversary? As early as 1988, China had come a hairsbreadth

  away from invading Vietnam over the Spratly Islands. . . "This is most

  unexpected, Comrade Premier, " Leing said, finally regaining control

  over his numbed senses. "It is a most attractive offer. Naturally, I

  assume there is a condition to this transfer?" Of course there was-and

  Leing finally realized what it might be.... "You are correct, Comrade

  Ambassador, " the interpreter said for Foreign Minister Zhou. "Although

  we freely admit that an adjustment to the turbulent situation in the

  Nansha Island chain meant that this action was far overdue: "We realize

  that a vote will be forthcoming when the Association of South East Asian

  Nations meet in Singapore and the question of our occupation of the

  Philippines is brought forward. We have tried to assure all countries

  involved in this situation that our involvement was requested by the

  Philippine government and that we are acting in strict accordance with

  international law; however, we realize that outside, nonCommunist

  sympathizers will attempt to undermine our efforts to restore peace to

  the region. China has not been offered an opportunity to voice our side

  of the matter, which precludes any sort of fair and equitable resolution

  of this incident. "We are therefore asking that when the vote is called,

  the Vietnamese vote against any ASEAN resolutions to interfere in the

  Philippines, and that you urge other nations in ASEAN to vote against

  any resolution as well. Since a unanimous vote is necessary for ASEAN