Henry Knox
Page 5
Washington took an instant liking to Knox even though they came from very different worlds. The general, addressed as "Your Excellency," hailed from the pinnacle of hierarchical Virginia and was a wealthy planter with a large estate and hundreds of slaves. Knox came from the rough side of egalitarian Massachusetts. But they shared a rugged physical quality. Both were tall, energetic, active men. As Washington talked with Knox, he found that Henry possessed an analytical mind and sound judgment as well as a deep understanding of the army's shortcomings. The forty-three-year-old Washington, who was childless, surrounded himself with promising young men whom he treated as surrogate sons. Knox, who was just short of his twenty-fifth birthday, was pulled into this familial circle. From Watertown, Henry wrote in a July 9 letter to Lucy: "General Washington fills his place with vast ease and dignity." He added that he had to rush off to wait on the commander in chief. Two days later, he wrote: "The new generals are of infinite service in the army. They have to reduce order from almost perfect chaos.“4
Washington believed that discipline and corporal punishment were needed to rein in the unruly troops. One soldier was given the penalty of twenty lashes for "abusive language to Colonel Gridley. The General confirms the sentence, and orders it to be executed after prayer time tomorrow.“5
Another soldier received thirty-nine lashes for robbing the surgeon general of the army. After Colonel William Prescott was found guilty of "threatening and abusing a number of persons," a court-martial sentenced him to the humiliation of riding "the wooden Horse, fifteen minutes.“6 Knox heartily approved of the army crackdown: "I think they are in a fair way of doing it.“7
Knox was pleased to see that Nathanael Greene, the commander of three Rhode Island regiments, had arrived in camp. On June 22, 1775, Congress appointed Greene one of seven brigadier generals in the quickly fashioned Continental Army, with Green being the youngest.8 The record is unclear how Greene jumped from military novice to the youngest brigadier general in the patriot army in merely a year, and whether it was political connections or the result of his ardent study on field strategy, tactics, and engineering.
In Philadelphia, Massachusetts delegate to Congress John Adams believed the reorganization of the army did not include enough New England men among the officer ranks. He recommended to his colleagues that Knox, among others, should be appointed to a lucrative post such as quartermaster general, commissary of musters, or commissary of artillery. Some congressmen felt those appointments should be left up to Washington. Feeling a bout of regional pride, Adams wrote to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety on July 23 with a list of local men, headed with Knox's name, to support for promotion, who "are well qualified for places in the army, who have lost their all, by the outrages of tyranny, whom I wish to hear provided for. . . . They could be made Captains or Brigade Majors, or put into some little places at present I am very sure, their country would loose nothing by it, in reputation or otherwise.“9
Washington, however, was already considering an appointment for Knox within the army. Henry regularly dined with him and generals Charles Lee, Israel Putnam, William Heath, Nathanael Greene, and Horatio Gates. Washington and Lee asked about Lucy and invited her to dine with them. On Friday, September 22, she attended a dinner at Washington's residence, where she displayed the charm and genteel manners that had once made her so popular among her Tory friends.
The next day, Knox was relieved that she had left the camp when the British artillery opened a cannonade on the American position. Henry was not impressed with these grenadiers, who were not as skilled as the gunners aboard the battleships who leveled Charlestown. He wrote to his brother on September 25 with a sense of bravado: "Let it be remembered to the honor and skill of the British troops, that they fired 104 cannon-shot at [our] works, at not a greater distance than half point blank shot—and did what? Why, scratched a man's face with the splinters of a rail-fence! I have had the pleasure of dodging these heretofore engines of terror with great success; nor am I afraid they will [hit me] unless directed by the hand of Providence."
In Congress, Samuel Adams and John Adams continued to push for New England officers in Washington's army. Other delegates complained about the apparent lack of qualified military men in Massachusetts suitable for promotion. On September 26, Samuel Adams wrote to Elbridge Gerry, a patriot leader in a town about 15 miles up the Atlantic coast called Marblehead: "Until I visited headquarters at Cambridge, I had never heard of . . . the ingenuity of Knox and [Josiah] Waters in planning the celebrated works at Roxbury. We were told here that there were none in our camp who understood this business of an engineer, or anything more than the manual exercise of the gun. This we had from great authority, and for want of more certain intelligence were obliged at least to be silent.“10
Samuel apparently gave his second cousin John Adams the same information, for on Thursday, October 5, 1775, Adams wrote to John Thomas, a brigadier general stationed at Roxbury: "I beg your opinion in confidence of two gentlemen, Mr. Henry Knox and Mr. [Josiah] Waters, whether they are qualified for engineers and whether they have studied the sublime art of war, I mean fortifications and gunnery whether they are sufficient masters of those sciences to hold any considerable employments in that branch of the service.“11
Thomas wrote Adams praising Knox's qualifications and recommended him for a commission in the army. On October 23, a congressional committee recommended that Knox be appointed a lieutenant colonel rather than a full colonel. When this news arrived in Cambridge, Knox was hurt by the slight. He wrote to John Adams: "I have the most sacred regard for the liberty of my country and am fully determined to act as far as is in my power in opposition to the present tyranny attempted to be imposed upon it—but as an honor is comparative, I humbly hope that I have as good a pretension to the rank of colonel as many now in the service, the declining to confer which by the delegates not a little surprised me. If your respectable body should not incline to give the rank and pay of colonel, I must beg to decline it. But I will do every service in my power as a volunteer.“12
Knox held out hope for a commission, writing Adams that the commander of the artillery, stricken with poor health, was unpopular with his men. Henry expected that the commander in chief would soon reorganize the regiment's command and that he was a likely replacement as its leader. To Adams, he confided: "[The] other field officers of the regiment wish it and I have great reasons to believe, the generals too. . . . It ever appears to me to detract from the merit of a person when he takes the liberty to recommend himself—nothing but the flattering idea of being in a small measure assisting to free my country would induce me to do it.“13
Washington, who was trying to transform the variety of provincial militia units into regiments of the Continental Army, wanted Knox as a key commander. On November 2, the general acknowledged his impact on fortifications throughout the army in a letter to Connecticut governor John Trumbull, explaining: "Most of our works which have been thrown up for the defense of several encampments have been planned by a few of the principal officers of the army, assisted by Mr. Knox.“14
Washington's other major concern was shoring up the sagging Continental artillery regiment, which was under the command of the aging Colonel Richard Gridley, a veteran of the French-Indian War who had been commissioned by Congress as colonel of artillery on September 20.15
Congress also urged Washington "that an attack upon Boston if practicable was much desired." At a war council of his top commanders, all eight generals present disapproved of an assault. British cannons kept the army at bay, and the Continental artillery was inferior to the British in skill as well as in firepower. Furthermore, Washington received intelligence from John Hancock, president of the Continental Congress, that an American spy in London reported that a large number of cannons were being prepared to be sent to Boston along with 400 artillery soldiers.
Washington needed an energetic and resourceful artillery leader to replace the infirm Gridley. David Mason, the man next in
command under Gridley, agreed to serve as a lieutenant colonel of artillery of the regiment if Knox was appointed colonel. Several gunners from Paddock's old Grenadiers agreed to serve under Knox. On November 8, 1775, Washington wrote to Congress: "The council of officers are unanimously of the opinion, that the command of the artillery should no longer continue in Colonel Gridley, and knowing of no person better qualified to supply his place, or whose appointment will give more general satisfaction, have taken the liberty of recommending Henry Knox.“16
Contingent on congressional approval, Knox was to be promoted to the rank of colonel to lead the army's artillery corps without ever having served a single day as a private in the army. When Washington informed Henry that he was to take over the army's artillery, Knox teasingly asked where the artillery was. Washington admitted that there was almost none to speak of. As flattering as the prospect of promotion certainly was, Knox knew that a monumental task lay before him. America did not even possess a foundry to produce cannons and had, under colonial rule, been prohibited from building one. For decades, the colonies had relied on England to supply its militia with field pieces. The American army had but one artillery regiment of about 635 men and only about a dozen heavy guns.
Within a few days, a letter from Congress dated October 23 arrived that authorized cannons at Fort Ticonderoga to be procured for service at Cambridge. This was much easier decreed than done. The fort was 300 miles away from Washington's army, separated not only by distance but rolling hills, winding rivers, and lakes. The roads along the way were seldom used and not worn solid by heavy traffic, much less the tonnage of cannons. Although most of Washington's generals thought this solution offered no help at all, Knox proposed that he make the trip and bring the cannons back to Massachusetts. The commander's circle advised against the plan. It almost certainly would fail, and at a time when embarrassment to the army would hurt enlistments and embolden the British and Tories. The expenditure would divert badly needed funds to a hopeless cause. But Washington overruled the objections. He saw something in Knox, his energy, his ingenuity, and his determination, that made him believe the young man could overcome seemingly impossible obstacles.
Perhaps Washington thought of himself at the beginning of his own military career, twenty years earlier, when he was sent on a mission through hostile Indian country to forward the British demand that the French vacate forts and land within the Ohio Territory claimed by England. Washington had made his name and reputation by the mission and his subsequent report, which was widely published and praised. He also had to consider that Knox was a native of Boston and would be highly motivated to rescue his home-town, regardless of the personal costs.
As Knox began his preparations for the mission, Lucy expressed her unhappiness about the prospect of being separated from her husband. Pregnant and without her family, she would struggle just to survive. But she also understood that a continent depended on him not to fail. Henry promised to write as often as he could as a reminder that she was constantly in his thoughts.
In Philadelphia, Washington's letter recommending that Knox be promoted to colonel had not yet arrived when John Adams wrote to Henry on November 11: "I have been impressed with an opinion of your knowledge and abilities in the military way for several years, and of late have endeavored, both at camp, at Watertown and at Philadelphia, by mentioning your name and character, to make you more known, and consequently in a better way for promotion. It was a sincere opinion of your merit and qualifications, which prompted me to act this part and therefore I am very happy to be able to inform you, that I believe you will very soon be provided for according to your wishes, at least you may depend upon this that nothing in my power shall be wanting to effect it."
Adams continued to be obsessed with the poor ratio of New England commanders in Washington's army, and apparently he was embarrassed by criticism from his colleagues that his area lacked men with military know-how and engineering skills.
Although, as he pointed out to Knox, Adams "held a place in the Great Council of America," he needed intelligence from the American army. He asked Henry to provide "the name, rank and character of every officer in the army, I mean every honest and able one, but more especially of every officer, who is best acquainted with the theory and practice of fortification and gunnery. What is comprehend[ed] within the term engineer? And whether it includes skill both in fortification and gunnery—and what skillful engineers you have in the army and whether any of them and who have seen service and when and where.“17 Adams also asked for a list of the best books on military science in the Harvard library.
Washington issued Knox orders on Thursday, November 16, to take stock of supplies in the artillery corps and to inventory its needs, then to proceed first to the New York Provincial Congress and then to Albany to procure and send supplies to Cambridge. He was then to go to Fort Ticonderoga in upstate New York or even as far as St. John's in Quebec, if needed, to gather as many cannons and as much munitions as he could cart back with him.
"The want of them is so great, that no trouble or expense must be spared to obtain them—I have wrote to General Schuyler, he will give every necessary assistance that they may be had and forwarded to this place, with the utmost dispatch," Washington wrote.18 He also wrote out a expense requisition for Knox to receive $1,000 in Continental currency, which had recently been authorized by Congress. In an afterthought postscript, the general reminded him not to forget flints for the muskets. The commander also gave him letters of introduction and a formal request for the New York Congress to give Knox "all the assistance in your power.“19
Knox was provided with letters to present to General Philip Schuyler (future father-in-law of Alexander Hamilton), stationed in New York, ordering him to send much-needed supplies to Cambridge, including "powder, lead, mortars, cannon, indeed of most sorts of military stores. For want of them, we really cannot carry on any sort of spirited operation." Washington also reported that a train of British artillery had recently arrived in Boston along with reinforcements of men from five Irish regiments.20
In these letters, Knox was introduced under the title of "esquire" and as "an experienced engineer." A private citizen was in charge of the artillery of the fledgling Continental Army. Knox had no way of knowing this fact, but a day after he received Washington's orders and letters, 300 miles away at the Continental Congress in Philadelphia, the general's recommendation for his promotion was read. With the urging of John Adams, Congress approved, and the body's journal noted: "Whereas it is become necessary to appoint another colonel of the regiment of artillery, in the room of Colonel Gridley, on account of his advanced age . . . Henry Knox, Esqr. was unanimously elected.“21
After taking account of the artillery regiment's needs, Henry said goodbye to Lucy and set off. He and his nineteen-year-old brother, William, who had managed to slip out of Boston after Henry's business had been vandalized, traveled on horseback and headed for New York City in their first extended trip from home. Most of the trees had shed their leaves, and the cool autumn air surely reminded Henry of the onset of winter and the difficulties he would face during the expedition. While passing through Marlboro, Massachusetts, they were caught in the most violent northeastern storm he had ever seen. They bunkered down in the pouring rain and chilling wind. After drying out, they resumed their trip.
Henry and his brother reached the northern army in New York City on Saturday, November 25. He was waited on by Colonel Alexander McDougal of the First New York Regiment. Like Knox, McDougal had been a merchant and shopkeeper before the war. Knox presented his letters from Washington, and McDougal said he would meet with the New York Provincial Congress over the matter but had no doubt that the commander and chief could, for the most part, be accommodated. He could not agree to send some of the heavy cannons but promised to provide several smaller field pieces along with shells and other munitions to Cambridge. To Knox's surprise, he discovered that a foundry for casting cannons had been completed in New York, and
guns could be produced cheaper than imports.
On Monday, November 27, Knox wrote Washington with the news of an accessible foundry: "I very sincerely wish your excellency had been acquainted with this circumstance and charged me with a commission to have a number cast for the camp. . . . If you should think proper to have some done and will give orders to Colonel McDougal or some other gentleman of this city—the foundry will execute one in two days after he shall receive the orders—and in any number in proportion. He can also cast brass mortars.“22
Knox explained to Washington that McDougal "gave such reasons for not complying with the requisition for the heavy cannons as would not be prudent to put to paper." It was likely that stripping the city of big guns would make it vulnerable to attack. That meant, Knox told Washington, that the army at Cambridge would have to rely on the big guns he could drag from Ticonderoga. Washington needed the most powerful cannons against the British battleships in the harbor and to reach Boston from the surrounding shores of the harbor.
Knox and his brother left New York City on November 28 and headed north along the Hudson River. A bitter winter wind blew across their faces, and on Monday, December 4, a heavy snowstorm began as they reached Fort George. The outpost sat on the south end of Lake George, a long, narrow body of water that stretched north for more than twenty miles to meet Lake Champlain. His destination, Fort Ticonderoga, was at the confluence of the two lakes. By 2 P.M., they had reached Fort George.
Knox decided to spend the night there and to set sail early in the morning. He was given lodging in a one-room cabin, which, due to a lack of space, he shared with a captured British soldier, Lieutenant John Andre, who was being escorted south to Lancaster, Pennsylvania, with others to await a prisoner exchange between the two armies. As Knox and Andre sat before the crackling fire, they developed an instant liking for one another. Knox was careful not to reveal his purpose for traveling to the fort and, dressed as a private citizen, appeared to have no military connection. Andre said that he was a member of the British Seventh Regiment, stationed at Fort Chambly on the Sorel River in Canada. Knox found that Andre loved literature and, like Knox, was an ardent student with a variety of passions. Under different circumstances they might have become good friends, and Andre's personality and intelligence left a lasting impression on Henry.