In Search of the Lost Testament of Alexander the Great

by David Grant

  84.See discussion in Behrwald (1999). The Historika Hypomnemata was used and quoted by Timagenes through Josephus 13.3.9. Strabo also associated the term hypomnemata with his Geography. Others such as Hegesippus titled their memoirs hypomnemata. Athenaeus 4.162a for reference to Hegesander’s work. Plutarch 4.4 for Arostoxenus’ title.

  85.Curtius 10.10.1 for the re-entry into the city. Plutarch 77.5 for three days, Curtius 10.9.13 for six days, Aelian 12.64 for thirty days, following which Aristander the seer entered the Assembly.

  86.Hatzopoulos (1996) p 295 and Polybius 4.87.7-8 for Antigonus Doson’s Will; translation from Marasco (2011) p 57 and following the observations of C Bearzot in Marasco (2011) p 58.

  87.Arrian 7.12.3-4, Diodorus 18.4.1, Justin 12.12.7-9 for Craterus replacing Antipater.

  88.For Meleager’s career see Heckel (2006) pp 159-161; for his service with or under Craterus, see Arrian 3.18.4, 6.17.3 and Curtius 5.4.14. Heckel (1988) p 20 sees Meleager as looking after Craterus’ interests in Babylon. Curtius 10.2.8 ff for the remaining Macedonian troop numbers after the demobilisation of the veterans at Opis.

  89.Chapter titled The Tragic Triumvirate of Treachery and Oaths for more on communication systems.

  90.Bosworth (1992) p 32 for Craterus’ resources.

  91.Diodorus 18.12.1 for Antipater’s call for help. Bosworth (1971) p 125 and Atkinson (2009) pp 238-239, for discussion on Craterus’ delay in Cilicia and the rumours that Craterus had been sent to assassinate Antipater. Heckel (1988) p 21 footnote 8 suggested Craterus’ delay might have been due to unrest in Cilicia, where the Satrap, Balacrus, had been killed by the Pisidians. Anson (2014) p 39 for the ten days of travel from Babylon to Cilicia. Diodorus 18.25.3 for Antigonus reporting Perdiccas’ design on the Macedonian throne.

  92.Diodorus 18.4.1 based on the translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1954.

  93.Curtius 10.1.19 for the commodities requisitioned from Cyprus and Mount Libanos, Lebanon. Meiggs (1982) p 49 for the Epic of Gilgamesh and Diodorus 19.58.3.

  94.Plutarch 68 and Curtius 10.1.19 for Thapsacus and the planned navigation of Africa. Morrison-Coates-Rankov (2000) pp 109-111 for naval crews.

  95.Murray (2012) p 96 and p 190 for discussion of the equipment needed to build and fit out a ship. For the implied journey west by Craterus and his veterans including Antigenes, the commander of the Silver Shields, see Justin 12.12.8 implied in Arrian 7.12.4, Curtius 10.10.15. As Antigenes was later found in Egypt, it is reasonable to assume he remained in Cilicia and was collected by Perdiccas on his journey to invade Egypt in 321/320 BCE; Arrian Events After Alexander 1.35 and Diodorus 18.39.6 for his part in Perdiccas’ assassination.

  96.Justin 12.12.9, Arrian 7.12.4 for confirmation that upon Alexander’s death the replacement troops remained in Macedonia.

  97.‘White Cleitus’: so-named to distinguish him from ‘Black’ (Melas) Cleitus, son of Dropidas. Diodorus 18.15.8-9, Plutarch Moralia 338a, Plutarch Demetrius 11.3 for the actions off Amorgas. Diodorus 18.15.8 for 240 ships. The Parian Chronicle also referred to the battles. Heckel (2006) p 88 for the 130 ships and Echinades; after victory Cleitus’ fleet swelled. Cleitus was given charge of Perdiccas’ fleet before his invasion of Egypt; Justin 13.6.16

  98.Diodorus 18.15.8-9 for the fleet assembled by White Cleitus who accompanied Craterus as far as Cilicia; Arrian 7.12.4, Justin 12.12.8. This is a highly compressed account and possibly compresses two naval actions into one. See footnote 51 to the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1947, of Diodorus 18.15.8 for discussion. Bing (1973) p 347 for discussion of Cilician natural resources including high-grade iron. Anson (2014) for the observation that Craterus might have been required to suppress a revolt in Greece.

  99.Diodorus 18.3.4 with earlier confirmation in Diodorus 17.109.1 and Arrian 7.12-13.

  100.Diodorus 18.3.5, Justin 13.4.6 for Arrhidaeus’ instructions to build and deliver the funeral bier.

  101.Avramović (2006) p 4 for discussion of the Greek terms relating to Wills. Also see discussion on the ancient Greek term diatheke, which was used for both lifetime covenants and Wills, in chapter titled Wills and Covenants in the Classical Mind.

  102.Badian (1968) p 203 agrees that Diodorus was unclear on the relationship of the orders of Craterus to the document produced by Perdiccas encapsulating the last plans. Also Hornblower (1980) pp 94-95 for discussion on Diodorus’ clumsiness with linking Craterus’ instructions to the last plans.

  103.Diodorus 18.4.2 and 18.4.4.

  104.Badian (1969) p 204 supports the case for Eumenes’ hand in the extracting of the last plans from the campaign paperwork.

  105.Dionysius of Halicarnassus suggested Hieronymus’ style was boring, see Hornblower (1981) p 1 and Bosworth-Baynham (2000) p 304, the historian Psaon was also listed.

  106.As proposed by Hornblower (1981) pp 50-51 and pp 94-97 for examples of thauma.

  107.Curtius 10.1.16-19, Arrian 5.26.1-3, 5.27.7, 7.1-5. Also see discussion in Green (2007) pp 6-7.

  108.Quoting Hornblower (1981) p 94.

  109.Badian (1968) p 204.

  110.A good summary of the opinions, uncertainties, and the reporting of Hephaestion’s funeral pyre can be found in McKechnie (1995).

  111.Diodorus 17.114.4-17.116 also Arrian 7.14.7, 7.23.6 for the magnificence of the funeral.

  112.As suggested by E Carney in Bosworth-Baynham (2000) pp 173-176, assuming Koldewey was correct in identifying the pyre’s remains inside the walls. Diodorus 18.4.2 used pyra rather than a tomb or more permanent structure; McKechnie (1995) p 421. Quoting Diodorus 17.114.1. Diodorus 17.114-17.116 for the full episode.

  113.Diodorus 17.110 and Arrian 7.14.8 located the funeral pyre with their Babylonian narrative, whereas Plutarch 72.5, Justin 12.12.12 and a reference from Lucan contain references against events in Ecbatana. Aelian 7.8 for the armour and destruction of the acropolis of Ecbatana. Diodorus 17.110.8 for Perdiccas being charged to take Hephaestion’s body to Babylon.

  114.See Heckel (2006) p 106 for his identification and projects, artistic or architectural. Plutarch 72.5 for the name Stasicrates. He is otherwise referred to as Deinochares, Diocles, and Cheirocrates. He may have been in Babylon overseeing the city’s reconstruction projects, or in Ephesus overseeing the reconstruction of the Temple of Artemis, for Plutarch’s use of ‘longing’ suggests he was not immediately available.

  115.Diodorus 15.115.6. Anson (2013) p 114 for discussion of ‘associate god’ as indicated by Diodorus 17.115.2-116.1. Plutarch 72.1-3, Arrian 7.14.7, 7.23.6 for Hephaestion’s elevation. Arrian claimed the oracle permitted ‘hero’ only. Discussed in McKechnie (1995) p 420.

  116.Diodorus 17.115.1-5.

  117.Plutarch 72-73.

  118.Koldewey (1913) pp 310-311. Strabo 16.1.5 for the clearing away of the foundation rubble from the Esagila Temple; cf Arrian 7.21.5 who attributed the work to a sluice project. Koldewey claimed to have found its remains along with the rubble from the clearing of the Esagila Temple dumped close by. For Strabo’s testimony on the rubble from Esagila see Oates (1979) p 140 and Pearson (1960) p 181. Arrian 7.17.1.2 for Alexander’s plans to rebuild the temple on his return to Babylon; the Chaldeans attempted to talk him out of it although Diodorus 17.112.3 claimed they predicted safe passage for Alexander into the city if he did immediately set about repairing the temple.

  119.Diodorus 17.115.1 for the tearing down of 10 furlongs of the city walls. The Attic stade (furlong) was equivalent to 185 metres or 220 yards, whereas the Olympic stade to 176 metres or approximately 209 yards. Herodotus 2.6 has a stade at 600 feet (a parasang was equal to 30 stades) discussed in Gershevitch-Fisher-Boyle (1968) p 628. Mazaeus capitulated after Gaugamela; Curtius 5.1.17-19, suggested at Diodorus 17.64.4, Arrian 3.16.3.

  120.Diodorus 17.115.1 for the likenesses (he stated the eidola they made were to fulfil Alexander’s ‘desires’, but again it doesn’t explicitly say that he had requested them to be made. Diodorus 17.115.5 for the covering of expenses. Nearby cities were to contribute too. Hammond
(1998) p 337 for eidola discussion.

  121.Arrian 7.23.6-7 for the plans for Hephaestion’s hero shrines. Plutarch 47.9-12 and Eumenes 2.4 for an indication of those who disliked Hephaestion; it included Craterus and Eumenes.

  122.Arrian 7.23.8 for the letter to Cleomenes. For Arabarchos see Heckel (2006) p 88; it was a financial administration position akin to revenue collector. For his death see Pausanias 1.6.3.

  123.Homer Iliad 23.83-84.

  124.For Ptolemy’s execution of Cleomenes for his support of Perdiccas see Pausanias 1.6.3.

  125.Curtius 10.6.4.

  126.Tarn (1948) p 148 for hypaspist discussion. There is some confusion as to whether pezhetairoi also referred to heavier infantry but not pike-bearers. See also Anson 1985 for further discussion of the origins of the pezhetairoi.

  127.Following the mercenary comparison discussed by Anson (1991) pp 230-247.

  128.Curtius 3.2.13-16 for Charidemus’ description of the Macedonian army. His honesty cost him his life. Arrian 1.10.4 for Charidemus’ exile from Athens. Charidemus (alone of the Athenian orators) had been banished by Alexander after Thebes fell.

  129.Curtius 10.6.4-10.9.21. See Atkinson (2009) p 180 for discussion on the pregnancy; Roxane was either six months pregnant according to Curtius 10.6.9 or eight months according to Justin 13.2.5. See Errington (1970) p 56 for discussion on Perdiccan hopes for Roxane and a son.

  130.Justin 7.2.6-13. The Macedonians had carried the cradled Aeropus to the battle and positioned him behind their lines to spur them on against the Illyrians. The chronology of his reign is uncertain.

  131.Curtius 10.6.8.

  132.See references to the ‘Tiberian farce’ below.

  133.Curtius 10.6.10-11. Justin 13.2 attributed the same suggestion to Meleager, the notable infantry officer, who informed the Assembly that Heracles was then based at Pergamum. Further, Justin credited Meleager with reminding the gathering that Arrhidaeus was present in Babylon, and so immediately available. It appears that Justin carelessly, or even consciously, merged both speeches into one, something of an over ‘efficiency’ in his epitomising efforts. Justin may in fact have merged three speeches together, for Meleager supposedly rounded off with a rejection of both of Alexander’s Asiatic sons, a blatantly contradictory declaration.

  134.See final chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius for full discussion of the identification, or misidentifications, of Heracles’ mother and her sisters.

  135.Curtius 10.6.13-16.

  136.Reiterated by Brunt (1975) p 33.

  137.Ptolemy’s marriage policy discussed in Ellis (1994) pp 41-43.

  138.A view argued by McKechnie (1999) pp 44-60. Quoting Curtius 7.8.10, translation from the Lobe Classical Library edition, 1946. Quoting Baynham (1998) p 88 on Scythians.

  139.Curtius 10.6.15 for the group rule suggestion, reiterated at Justin 13.2.

  140.Arrian 7.14.10.

  141.Curtius 10.6.15-16. Following the observation of Stewart (1993) p 214 for koinopragia. Arrian Events After Alexander 1.3 Perdiccas’ chiliarchy.

  142.Discussion of the mechanism behind the suggestion of group rule in chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius. Quoting Hammond-Walbank (1988) p 145 on republicanism.

  143.Curtius 10.6.16-18.

  144.See Heckel (2006) p 50 for discussion and Diodorus 19.35.4 for Aristonus’ role under Polyperchon who was guardian to the kings, thus suggesting a real fealty to Alexander’s wishes and sons.

  145.Curtius 10.6.18-20 based on the translation in the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1946.

  146.See Atkinson (2009) p 179 for discussion of Perdiccas’ returning of the ring at Curtius 10.6.5.1 and other Roman examples, most prominently Tiberius, described in Tacitus 1.11.1 and 12, Suetonius Tiberius 24.1-2, Cassius Dio 57.2.3, Velleius Patreculus Compendium of Roman History 2.124. Errington (1970) pp 50-51 for comparisons between Arrhidaeus and Claudius. Suetonius Tiberius 25.1 for the ‘wolf by the ears’.

  147.Suetonius Tiberius 23-25 for references to ‘slavery’ and his ‘cruel fate’.

  148.See chapter titled Comets, Colophons and Curtius Rufus for Curtius’ possible reasons for bypassing any Will reference.

  149.Curtius 10.7.7 for Meleager’s hatred of Perdiccas. Curtius 10.6.20-24, based on the translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1946.

  150.Diodorus 17.117.4 and Arrian 7.26.3 for toi kratistoi from kratistos: ‘the strongest or noblest’. Latin interpretation of that from Curtius 10.4.5 qui esset optimus (the ‘best’) and dignissimus (broadly the ‘most worthy’) from Justin 12.15.

  151.Curtius 10.7.2, 10.7.10; reiterated in Hatzopoulos (1996) p 270.

  152.Justin 13.2. The broad term ‘Persian’ was being employed; Roxane was Bactrian or Sogdian. At Justin 13.4.6 he later proposed ‘King Arrhidaeus’ was charged with the task of conveying Alexander’s body to Egypt. He also later termed Amphimachus, satrap of Mesopotamia the ‘brother of the kings’ though again he was more likely the brother of the Arrhidaeus who later became the satrap of Hellespontine Phrygia.

  153.Diodorus 17.117.4 and Arrian 7.26.3 for toi kratistoi: ‘the strongest or noblest’. Latin interpretation of that from Curtius 10.4.5 qui esset optimus (the ‘best’) and dignissimus (broadly the ‘most worthy’) from Justin 12.15.

  154.Arrian 3.11.9 for the phalanx leaders, see discussion in Tarn (1948) p 142.

  155.See Curtius 8.12.17-18 for Meleager’s dangerous quip at the banquet at which Alexander gave Omphis, dynast of Taxila 1,000 talents; the same is suggested by Plutarch 59.5 in abbreviated form without names being mentioned. Alexander suppressed his anger recalling the Cleitus episode. Arrian Events After Alexander 1.2 lists Meleager amongst the megistoi.

  156.Curtius 10.7.7 for Meleager’s proposal that Arrhidaeus be crowned King Philip III. Justin 13.3.

  157.Curtius 10.7.1-3. Justin 13.2 credited this speech to Meleager. See discussion in Atkinson (2009) on Arrhidaeus’ mental state. Rather than an affirmation that he was able to function in some titular capacity, the cited excerpt from Plutarch Phocion 33 5-7 confirmed Arrhidaeus’ retarded state and mental simplicity.

  158.Curtius 8.4.30 for the Macedonian reaction to the marriage with Roxane. For the Macedonian tradition of the symposium see Borza (1995) pp 159-168.

  159.Diodorus 19.11.5 and Justin 14.5.10 for the regnal term. Discussed in Anson (2003) p 377 and following the proposal of Bosworth (1992). Curtius 10.7.2 for Arrhidaeus becoming the king’s associate in ceremonies and sacrifices.

  160.Athenaeus 13.557d, Justin 9.7.3, Plutarch 77.8.

  161.Porphyry of Tyre FGrH 260 F2, Heidelberg Epitome 1 called him epileptic. Socrates daimonion was described in Plato’s Apology 31c–d, 40a which has been postulated as epilepsy. Caesar’s fits have likewise been posthumously attributed to epilepsy; see Plutarch Caesar 17, 45, 60, and Suetonius Julius 45. The symptoms exhibited by Caligula and described in Suetonius Gaius are likewise suggestive of epilepsy.

  162.The qualifications for regent discussed in Miller (1991) p 51, quoting Hammond-Griffiths (1979) p 182. Hammond (1985) p 157 and Justin 13.2.13 for the use of tutores. Justin 13.2 for Ptolemy’s wording.

  163.For Peithon’s speech see Curtius 10.7.8-9. Curtius himself stated Peithon was following Perdiccas’ cause. Justin 13.13-14 for the guardian line-up.

  164.Peithon was one of Perdiccas’ assassins in Egypt; Diodorus 18.36.5. Perdiccas is said to have suspected intrigue immediately after Babylon when Peithon left to quell the mercenary revolt; Diodorus 18.7.4-6.

  165.Curtius 10.7.8, 10.7.20, 10.8.4 and Justin 13.2 for Leonnatus’ prominence. Curtius 10.7.8 for confirmation that Perdiccas and Leonnatus were of royal stock. Curtis 3.12.7 for ex purpuratis, thus wearing the purple, suggestive of a highborn courtier.

  166.For the prostasia discussion see Errington (1970) p 56 and also Goralski (1989) p 87. Heckel (2006) p 96 for discussion of Craterus’ supreme commands. He was clearly at that stage the second-in-command. Quoting and following Anson (1992) p 39 for the ‘honori
fic’ role or a more powerful position. Hammond (1985) p 156 for the relative roles of Craterus and Antipater. Arrian Events After Alexander for Craterus as prostates of the kingdom of Arrhidaeus and Justin 13.4.5 for ‘royal property’.

  167.Alexander instructed Antipater to ensure the veterans were provided with garlands and front seats at performances; Plutarch 71.8, Diodorus 18.18.7.

  168.Arrian 7.4.8 for the 10,000 alleged marriages to Asian wives; each was given a wedding dowry. Billows (1990) p 306 for the governing ethnicity.

  169.Billows (1990) p 355 for total Macedonian numbers in Asia up to 203 BCE. Pliny 6.31.139 mentions a Pella in the district of Alexandria on Tigris. Anson (2013) pp 138-139 for city-founding discussion. Billows (1990) p 299 for ‘Pella’ being used as a name for new settlements, specifically what was to become Seleucid Apamea.

  170.Justin 12.15, relating the activity to the last days of Alexander’s illness.

  171.See chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius for discussion of the marriages.

  172.Whilst Arrhidaeus was a son of Philip II, his mother was in fact Thessalian, though likely of aristocratic heritage; see Athenaeus 13.557c and Arrian Events After Alexander 1.1. Discussion in Heckel (2006) p 52.

  173.Curtius 10.7.11-12, following Homer’s Iliad 2.142-146.

  174.Curtius 10.7.14-15.

  175.Hammond (1991) p 41 for Assembly protocol.

  176.Curtius 10.7.16.

  177.Aelian 12.64, referring to the Iliad 5.449.

  178.Curtius 10.7.16-20.

  179.For Ptolemy’s treatment of Perdiccas in the campaign, see Errington (1969) pp 238-239. For the relative dates of Cleitarchus and Ptolemy publishing their accounts, see chapter titled, Hierarchic Historians and Alexandrian Alchemy.

  180.Curtius 10.8.1.

  181.Justin 13.3.1-13.4.1.

  182.Curtius 10.8.1-12 for the face-off, departure from the city, and famine and 5.1.27 for the cultivated areas to provide for the population in case of a siege. See below for Xerxes diverting the Euphrates when besieging the city.