In Search of the Lost Testament of Alexander the Great

by David Grant

  108.For Arrhidaeus’ instructions at Babylon, Diodorus 18.3.5, Justin 13.4.6; for his collusion with Ptolemy, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.25. See chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius for Perdiccas locating himself in Syria.

  109.Diodorus 18.36.6-7 for Arrhidaeus’ elevation to epimeletes following Perdiccas’ death.

  110.Diodorus 18.52.6-7 for Cleitus’ preparations for an attack and his departure for Macedonia and Antigonus’ seizure of 600 talents. Plutarch Phocion 34-37 for Phocion’s execution; Diodorus 18.72.2-4 for Cleitus’ naval action against Nicanor and 18.52.5-8 for his role in Greece.

  111.Diodorus 18.63.6, Polyaenus 4.6.9 for Eumenes shipping funds from Cilicia. There is in fact a similarity here with Diodorus 18.52.7 describing Antigonus’ assault of Ephesus where Antigonus again intercepted ships from Cilicia; we might wonder if Eumenes had sent the funds to Cleitus and was attempting to send more to him or to Olympias, perhaps via Polyperchon.

  112.Diodorus 18.52.2-4 for Antigonus reprimanding Arrhidaeus, translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1947.

  113.Diodorus 18.51-52 for Arrhidaeus’ failure in Hellespontine Phrygia and 18.72.2-3 for his linking up with Cleitus. The origin of the troops they were instructed to block is not specified. Either Cassander was already pouring troops into Asia in support of Antigonus, or Antigonus had hired mercenaries, or this referred to Nicanor’s fleet from Piraeus. Some three years on an army of Cassander’s was however besieging Amisus in Cappadocia against the forces of Antigonus; Diodorus 19.57.4. Antigonus had all the men he needed in Asia and was soon having to raid treasuries to pay them. It is unlikely he was recruiting in Europe when we consider that he had sent Cassander aid in Greece.

  114.Diodorus 18.72.5-9 for Cleitus’ defeat and execution.

  115.Following Carney (2006) p 63 and p 77 for the Macedonian law recorded by Curtius 6.11.20 and 8.6.28 and the great ‘lamentation’ from the Romance 3.33.

  116.Plutarch Alexander 77.1-2 linking Olympias’ pogrom to the conspiracy rumours; also Diodorus 19.11.8-9. As Carney (2006) pp 85-96 points out, the mistreatment of the bodies of the dead featured prominently in the Iliad; 22.395-404 for Achilles’ maltreatment of Hector, 23.20-3 and 24.14.21 as the most notable examples.

  117.Diodorus 19.11.9, Justin 14.6.1 for the hostility caused by Olympias’ actions. Plutarch Pyrrhus 2.1 for Aeacides’ expulsion. Plutarch Demetrius 25.2 for Demetrius’ marriage to Deidameia.

  118.Diodorus 19.49-52 for the fate of Olympias and Diodorus 19.11.1-9, Justin 14.5.8-10, Aelian 13.36 for the deaths of King Philip III and Eurydice. Diodorus 19.11.5 for the length of his reign; Justin 14.5.10 stated ‘six years’. Aelian claimed Eurydice chose the rope. Diodorus 19.52.5, Athenaeus 4.155a (using Dyllus) for Cassander’s burial honours. Alexander died 10/11 June 323 BCE and Arrhidaeus was proclaimed king a week or so after; six years and four months later in mid-October 317 BCE. See chapter titled Babylon: the Cipher and Rosetta Stone for discussion of a possible reconciliation of the term of Philip III’s reign.

  119.Plutarch 74.2-6 and Moralia 180f for the hostility between Cassander and Alexander.

  120.See Heckel (1988) p 10 for a discussion of those at the banquet and Metz Epitome 97-98 for the full list given in Heckel-Yardley (2004) p 283.

  121.Romance 3.32 and Metz Epitome 116-117 for the marriage pairings. Romance 3.32, Metz Epitome 111 and 103 for Alexander’s instructions to Ptolemy and Lysimachus and their presence at the drafting and first reading of the Will.

  122.Athenaeus 11.784c, 13.557c for Thessalonice’s maternal side. Plutarch Moralia 141b-c for Olympias’ admiration of Nicesipolis.

  123.Diodorus 20.37.5 confirmed Antigonus’ governor of Sardis had been instructed not to let Cleopatra leave; a state of affairs which most likely went back to Triparadeisus. This does suggest she was an unofficial hostage. Following Carney (1988) p 402.

  124.Diodorus 18.23.1, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.21, Justin 13.6.4 for Perdiccas’ courting of Cleopatra. Eumenes had journeyed to visit Cleopatra at Sardis with gifts from Perdiccas. Moreover his close relationship to Olympias suggests Cleopatra had complete trust in him.

  125.Romance 3.31.1, Metz Epitome 87 for Olympias’ pleas. The Will opens by confirming Alexander’s parentage; Metz Epitome 113, Romance 3.32; reiterated at Metz Epitome 116 and in the Romance. Curtius 9.6.26 for Alexander requesting Olympias’ consecration to immortality.

  126.Arrian 4.10.2 and Plutarch 3.2-3, Justin 11.11.3-4 for Callisthenes’ claim that Olympia was spreading ‘lies’ about Alexander’s alleged immortal father.

  127.Discussion of the cults to Philip and Alexander in Briant (1974) pp 135-137.

  128.Plutarch 2-3 for the dreams and oracles of Philip and Olympias. Euripides Bacchae 1. In the play Dionysus lured Pentheus to the forest where the maenads tore Pentheus apart limb from limb.

  129.Diodorus 19.11.1 stated that Eurydice ‘assumed the administration of the regency’ from Polyperchon.

  130.Diodorus 18.3.1, Curtius 10.10.2, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.6, Dexippus FGrH 100 F8 §2, Metz Epitome 117 for Asander’s satrapal grant. Arrian Events After Alexander 25.1 for his possible family relations to Antigonus. For his defection to Perdiccas see Arrian Events After Alexander 25.1, where Photius’ epitome stated ‘Asander the satrap of Caria welcomed him as a friend.’ Diodorus 19.62.2 for his subsequent defection to Ptolemy.

  131.Arrian Events After Alexander 1.41 for Asander’s poor performance against the Perdiccans.

  132.See Heckel (1988) p 17 and Heckel-Yardley (2004) p 288 for the Metz Epitome 120 Will translation, and Stoneman (1991) p 155 for the Romance translation.

  133.Metz Epitome 122.

  134.Polyaenus 4.6.6 confirmed this took place when Antigonus was wintering in Cappadocia but suggested there was campaigning earlier, before Holcias’ capture. The same entry mentioned Holcias’ subsequent repatriation to Macedonia.

  135.Plutarch Eumenes 10.1. This detail is paralleled in Justin 14.2.1-3; also Diodorus 18.41.1-4 and Nepos 5 for Eumenes’ entry into Nora.

  136.Diodorus 18.53.6. The numbers do look suspiciously like the defectors (under a general named Perdiccas) before the battle at Orcynia that were rounded-up by Eumenes’ general, Phoenix of Tenedus.

  137.Diodorus 18.45-46 for the fullest account of the fate of Alcetas and the Perdiccan remnants. Roisman (2012) p 29 footnote 48 for identification of Alcetas’ tomb. Polyaenus 4.6.6 did suggest Antigonus was worried they would link up with Alcetas. Diodorus 19.16.2 for Attalus, Polemon and Docimus hoping for Eumenes’ support. Stewart (1993) p 312 for Alcetas’ tomb.

  138.Polyaenus 4.6.6 for the capture of Holcias and his being escorted to Macedonia by Leonidas. The fate of the Silver Shields discussed in chapter titled The Tragic Triumvirate of Treachery and Oaths.

  139.The timing of Holcias’ release and Eumenes’ release bargaining is supported by reports that their winter campaigning was followed by a ruse to lure them from their stronghold, their subsequent capture and parole. Anson (2004) p 121, footnote 21 and p 124 for a discussion of the timing of Holcias’ campaign and capture. If Leonidas can be identified as the commander of the ataktoi, the ‘disciplinary unit’ Alexander formed after Philotas’ trial and execution, then his value with ‘renegades’ had again been appreciated. See Heckel (2006) p 147 for discussion on Leonidas’ identity.

  140.Cynnane was the granddaughter of King Bardylis of Illyria (through her mother Audata-Eurydice), Athenaeus 13.557b-c, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.22.

  141.For Cleodice’s marriage to Leonnatus in the Will see Metz Epitome 119, Romance 3.34.14, Julius Valerius 3.58, a Latin translation of the Romance. Heckel (2006) p 146 for Leonnatus’ royal links.

  142.Plutarch Eumenes 5.4-6 for Eumenes’ offer to reconcile Perdiccas and Craterus. Plutarch Demetrius 14.2, Plutarch Eumenes 6.2,6.7,7.1 for Craterus’ popularity.

  143.Plutarch Moralia 250f-253q, 486a, Polyaenus 2.29.1, Frontinus Stategemata 3.6.7 for Craterus’ son supporting Gonatas. Plutarch 47.10 for the q
uote on comparative affection and respect and for Alexander’s statement that they were the two men most loved by Alexander. Diodorus 17.114.1-2 for Craterus rivalling Hephaestion for Alexander’s affections.

  144.For Eumenes’ treatment of Craterus see Plutarch Eumenes 7.6-13, Nepos 4.4, Diodorus 19.59.3.

  145.Discussion of the royal pairing in the original Will in chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius.

  146.Metz Epitome 116, Romance 3.32 for Craterus’ appointment in Macedonia and his marriage pairing. Phila’s husband Balacrus was killed in Pisidia; Diodorus 18.22.1. More detail on the fate of Cynnane at Arrian Events After Alexander 1.22-23, Polyaenus 8.60.

  147.Alcetas disregarded orders to serve under Eumenes: Diodorus 18.29.2, Justin 13.6.15; Plutarch Eumenes 5.3.

  148.Metz Epitome 100, Romance 2.32.3 for Cassander’s plan to wait for Iolaos in Cilicia. Heckel (1988) p 10 discusses the later embellishments of Cassander’s and Iolaos’ roles. Justin 12.12.8 for Polyperchon, Polydamas, Gorgias departing Opis with Craterus. See discussion of Craterus’ activity in Cilicia as linked to the so-called ‘last plans’ in chapter titled Babylon: the Cipher and Rosetta Stone.

  149.Plutarch Eumenes 17.2 for Eumenes’ speech when he was under the escort of Nicanor. He was unlikely to be the son of Balacrus who had family ties with Antipater; Heckel (2006) pp 68-69 for background.

  150.Diodorus 18.39.6, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.37, Appian Mithridatic Wars 8, for Nicanor’s grant of Cappadocia at Triparadeisus. Heckel (2006) p 178 Nicanor (10) and (12) for possible identification. Plutarch Eumenes 17.2 for Eumenes’ surrender to Nicanor at Gabiene. For his possible role in the upper satrapies see Diodorus 19.92.1-5, 100.3, Appian Syrian Wars 55, 57. Heckel (2006) pp 176-178 for the identifications of various Nicanors.

  151.Diodorus 18.43.2 for Nicanor’s operations in Coele-Syria and Phoenicia; see Heckel (2006) p 178, Nicanor (11) for his career.

  152.Diodorus 18.47.5 and 18.50.5 for the statements of Antigonus’ intent.

  153.Antipater had assigned Cassander to watch over Antigonus after Triparadeissus; Diodorus 18.39.7, Arrian Events after Alexander 1.38. The Heidelberg Epitome 1.4 went further stating Cassander urged his father to remove the kings from Antigonus’ control.

  154.Metz Epitome 97 provided eleven identifications as well as corrupted names; see Heckel (1988) pp 34-35. The Armenian Romance version backs up the Greek Romance 3.31.8 though peripheral names vary in different recensions.

  155.‘Fearful’ historians are suggested at Curtius 10.10.18-19, Diodorus 17.118, Justin 12.13.

  156.The Scylla discussed in chapter titled Guardians and Ghosts of the Ephemerides. It appears at Romance 3.30 and Metz Epitome 90-94: Scylla was a part-human part-beast monster from Greek mythology; here was a baby born as a human boy from the belly up, below which it was part-lion, panther, dog and boar. As Merkelbach and Heckel (1988) p 9 agree, the beast represented Alexander’s own men and their betrayal and not his subject nations as translations suggest.

  157.Arrian Events After Alexander 24.6.

  158.Aristonus supported Polyperchon and the Olympias faction after Antipater’s death; see Diodorus 19.35.4, 19.50.3-8, 19.51.1. Medius took part in Antigonid actions against Ptolemy both for Perdiccas and Antigonus.

  159.Arrian 7.27.2 for Medius’ relations with Iolaos. For Medius’ career under Antigonus see Arrian Events After Alexander 24.6, Diodorus 19.69.3, 19.75-3-4, 19.97.7-8, 19.77.2-5, 20.50.3, Plutarch Demetrius 19.1-2.

  160.Quoting Errington (1970) p 60 and Plutarch Eumenes 3.3-7 for Leonnatus’ bid to unite with Cleopatra.

  161.For Miletus’ settlement activity, Hammond (1994) p 64; Brown (1947) p 690 for Demosthenes’ references to Cardia.

  162.Diodorus 18.14.4-5 for Hecataeus’ envoy role to Leonnatus and Plutarch Eumenes 3.3-7 for the whole episode including Eumenes’ flight. Also see discussion in Anson (2004) p 45. How long Hecataeus had governed Cardia is uncertain. Alexander sent a Hecataeus to Asia to murder Attalus soon after gaining the throne, see Diodorus 17.2.5-6 and implied by Curtius 7.1.38. They are likely one and the same man, and thus Hecataeus had been an agent of Alexander, and was likely a client of Philip II before. See discussion in Heckel (2006) p 131. For Hecataeus’ earlier attempt to reconcile Eumenes with Antipater see Plutarch Eumenes 5.4-5.

  163.Nepos 2.4-5 and Plutarch Eumenes 3.11 for Eumenes’ troop numbers. Plutarch suggested Eumenes was either afraid of Antipater or ‘despaired of Leonnatus as a capricious man’ (translation from the Loeb Classical Library edition, 1919) when explaining his decampment and his rejection of Leonnatus’ offer to join his cause. Leonnatus must have coveted Eumenes’ campaign funds too.

  164.Justin 13.6 for Antipater rejoicing. For Leonnatus’ multi-satrapal inheritance in the Will see chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius.

  165.For Laomedon’s grant of Coele-Syria see Arrian Events After Alexander 1.5, Diodorus 18.3.1, Curtius 10.10.2, Justin 13.4.12, Appian Syrian Wars 52, Dexippus FGrH 100 F8 2. ‘Coele’ literally translated as ‘Hollow’, an association first made by Arrian 2.13.7, the region later disputed by the Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties. Appian Syrian Wars 52 for reference to the ‘buying’ of the satrapy. Diodorus 18.43.1-2 and Pausanias 1.6.4 for Ptolemy’s hostility.

  166.Arrian 3.6.6 for Laomedon’s language ability. Laomedon was banned by Philip from Macedonia in spring 336 BCE along with his brother Erygius, Ptolemy and Nearchus; see Arrian 3.6.5 and Plutarch 10.4. He was also appointed a trierarchos on the Hydaspes; Arrian Indike 18.4. For his flight to Alcetas see Appian Syrian Wars 52. Alcetas opposed Eumenes’ suggestion of a marriage to Cleopatra, favouring Nicaea, Antipater’s daughter. Arrian Events After Alexander 1.21. He also killed Cynnane; Diodorus 19.52.5, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.22-23; and disregarded orders to serve under Eumenes: Diodorus 18.29.2, Justin 13.6.15; Plutarch Eumenes 5.3.

  167.Arrian 3.6.7 and 7.23.1 for Menander’s appointment to Lydia. Diodorus 18.59.1-2 for Menander’s attempts to capture Eumenes. Arrian Events After Alexander 25.2 suggested, but did not specifically state, that Perdiccas subordinated Menander to Cleopatra. For events at Sardis see Arrian Events After Alexander 1.26. A separate fragment of Arrian Events After Alexander preserved in the Vatican Codex suggested a conflict between Menander, Cleopatra and Perdiccas resulting in Eumenes’ flight.

  168.Diodorus 18.23.1, Arrian Events After Alexander 1.21, Justin 13.6.4 for Perdiccas’ seeking the hand of Cleopatra. Only the Heidelberg Epitome FGrH 155F-4 suggested the marriage took place. Plutarch Eumenes 9.4 for the alleged former friendship with Menander. See discussion in Billows (1990) p 59 and p 63 for Menander’s possible early collusion with Antigonus and 401-402 for his career; also Anson (2004) pp 91-91. Billows (1990) p 77 for discussion of his role at the Battle of Orcynia as per Diodorus 18.59.1-2 and Plutarch Eumenes 9.2-6. Menander had control of Antigonus’ baggage train that Eumenes almost captured. Plutarch Eumenes 9.2-6 gave a very different account. Diodorus did not mention Menander at the battle.

  169.See Heckel (2006) p 163 for references citing Pliny 35.93; the identification may be incorrect. Lydia is not referenced in either the surviving Metz Epitome or Romance texts, though it is possible an early textual lacuna is responsible. Diodorus 19.29.2 for Lydian troops present at Paraetacene. Diodorus 19.60.3 brings Lydian operations into the narrative but again Menander was not mentioned.

  170.Nearchus’ naval voyage and his reuniting with Alexander made him a prominent and celebrated commander during Alexander’s lifetime. He was crowned for his services at Susa and was also illustriously paired in marriage to ‘a daughter of Barsine’; Arrian 7.4.6 and also suggested by Arrian Indike 42.9.

  171.Arrian Indike 18.4 cited Nearchus as coming from Amphipolis. Nearchus’ whereabouts and affiliations from Babylon, to his reappearance operating under Antigonus, are unknown. He seems to have avoided the early conflict, perhaps as governor of Lydia or Pamphylia, or he was deliberately bypassed by Hieronymus’ texts. For his undated mission to recover Telmessus se
e Polyaenus 5.35. See Heckel (2006) p 173 and Heckel (1988) p 36 for discussion. Although supposedly an action carried out on Antigonus’ orders, he may have been, with consent, reacquiring his nominated satrapy after activity elsewhere. Nearchus had governed satrapies bordering Antigonus’ sphere of activity in 334 BCE. Justin 13.4.15 did position Nearchus in both Lycia and Pamphylia after Babylon.

  172.The founding of Cretopolis discussed in Sekunda (1997) though the suggestion is that this took place before Nearchus was recalled east by Alexander in 329/328 BCE.

  173.Diodorus 19.69.1 for Nearchus’ later service under Demetrius. See chapter titled Babylon: the Cipher and Rosetta Stone for detail of Nearchus’ speech at Babylon. Nearchus fought against Ptolemy after his reappearance in 317/316 BCE and is unlikely to have been pro-Ptolemy before.

  174.The lion monument at Amphipolis was originally thought to sit above the tomb which held the remains of Nearchus, Laomedon or Androsthenes, each born or resident at some point; see chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius for detail. Recent excavations suggest a grander tomb than first thought leading some historians to ponder whether Roxane and Alexander IV were entombed in Amphipolis after their murder by Cassander. Archaeologists now conclude the lion was too heavy and adorned another nearby tomb. It has long been thought that Tomb III at Vergina, possibly constructed by Cassander, held the remains of Alexander IV; Carney-Ogden (2010) pp 118-119.

  175.Heckel (2006) p 235 sees Stasanor as a supporter of Eumenes and supplying troops. However there is considerable confusion between the switched roles and relationships of Stasander and Stasanor, both Greek Cypriots who alternatively governed Areia-Drangiana and Bactria-Sogdia between Babylon and Triparadeisus (Diodorus 18.39.6). We propose the troops came from Stasander who either levied Bactria himself or Diodorus was again confused. If Stasanor was vilified in the Pamphlet, it would be surprising to see him and Eumenes join forces; though here that alliance was initially forged in the name of Peucestas. Diodorus 19.14.7 for Stasander’s support for Peucestas’ original alliance and 19.27.3 for his support for Eumenes. For Peithon’s arena of authority discussed in the chapter titled Lifting the Shroud of Parrhasius.