Grid of the Gods

by Farrell, Joseph P.

  What is the Temple but an earthly copy of a higher idea? What is the ritual of that temple but the best human effort to cross over, to unite, consummate, die, and be reborn? It is the story told in the arrangement of the furniture; the placement of the altar; the ascent of the steps; even the very geographic and directional positioning. Heavenly alignments are mirrored on earth and ritualistically carried out by those who inherited fragments of the answers to those eternally nagging questions. Could there have been “architects of the gods”? Is it possible that the placement, patterns, symbols and rituals, are not earthly constructions but rather sacred re-constructions that unlock the door that mankind has been knocking at for thousands and thousands of years? Is it also possible that a tradition exists of those “in the know” who built, symbolized, ritualized, and initiated chosen disciples to carry on the message and pass along the sacred inheritance? The answer presented herein is a resounding yes! What happens on earth is not necessarily earthly and the rituals of times past or present are more than re-enactments, they are portals to understanding.

  This book is not about experience, per se, but through carefully documented research and detailed scholarly analysis, it will provide answers for the pilgrim and the student alike, and will raise new questions. For those familiar with Joseph Farrell’s previous works, this volume fits in as one more piece in an intricate puzzle that few would be capable of writing. His background in history, theology, physics, mathematics, classical music theory, and ancient languages, tested in the cauldron of the oldest English speaking university in the world (the University of Oxford) is a resume par excellence for such a work, but it is his intuitive sense of science and spirituality that sets this volume apart as a must read.

  Scott D. de Hart, Ph.D.

  2011

  Notes

  1 John Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, Book 1, Chapter 1.

  INTRODUCTION

  “There is beauty, simplicity and power in this early technology and modern enthusiasts have mistaken the knowledge and sensitivity to natural forces intrinsic to this technology as indicative of a positive force at work.”

  Michael A. Hoffman II1

  A. A Curious Activity

  Modern science is but a technique of the imagination to bring into reality the operations of the magical intellect and the mythologies of the ancients, with consistent and predictable regularity. This implies, therefore, that the magical intellect encountered so often in ancient texts, myths, and monuments is, in fact, the product of a decayed science, but a science nonetheless. Much of modern physics may be viewed as but Hermetic metaphysics with “topological” equations,2 and by a similar process of examination, much of modern genetics may be viewed as but the myths of Sumer, Babylon, and even the Mayans, given flesh by the techniques of genetic engineering.3

  That said, this book is a mirror image of The Philosophers’ Stone: Alchemy and the Secret Research for Exotic Matter, in that the previous book began with an excursion through ancient and mediaeval alchemy in order to remain focused on a trinity of modern pursuits for an “alchemical physics.” In this book, we begin with yet another alchemical trinity in modern times, in order to pry open the mysteries and secrets of an agenda and activity of two surviving post-Cosmic War elites in ancient times: the building of enormous temples, structures, and pyramids, all precisely located at various points all over the Earth’s surface, and in many different cultures. The question is why? Why did they do this? What is the real explanation? And why are so many of these structures either pyramids of one form or another, or great circles of massive stones?

  The real explanation, as this book will argue, is that this activity constitutes the coordinated effort of those post-Cosmic War elites, and that the ultimate purpose lies in the preservation and eventual recovery of a physics and a worldview that would otherwise have been lost without such memorialization in these monuments. This book accordingly lives in that strange world where a hidden physics interfaces with human history and with human myths, and where each conceptual substance within this disciplinary trinity illuminates the other in a kind of esoteric circumincession.

  For that reason this book is inherently and unavoidably technical and speculative. The reader is thrown, at the outset in chapter one, into the deep end of a very technical discussion that opens the door to some of the activities of these post-Cosmic War elites and their modern heirs, and to the deep physics upon which they were based. Fortunately, the technicality diminishes rather quickly once the point of illuminating history is revealed! So for the less-technically inclined reader, he is encouraged to bear patiently through the technical details, for oftentimes the physics and history devil can only be made completely clear by details that seemingly have nothing to do with the subject of this book, and this is particularly true in the first chapter.

  In any case, it is, by anyone’s lights, a peculiar activity: the placement of certain types of megalithic monuments at certain places on the surface of the earth, an activity that upon close examination transcends the cultures to whom such activities are normally attributed. It is perforce an activity that also required enormous effort and expenditure of human labor and treasure, and, as will be seen, in some cases also implies the use of some rather extraordinary technology.

  The transcendence of this activity across times and disparate cultures thus only emphasizes its peculiar nature. Like it or not, we are in the presence of a unified religio-scientific “sub-culture” propping up the more tangible cultures that allegedly produced these structures. This implies a measure of coordination and contact, of unified purpose and activity, that transcended these cultures, and points to the hidden problems with the modern academic assumptions of diffusionism and the evolution of civilizations.

  It is one thing to maintain, for example, that certain sites in Great Britain — Stonehenge, Silbury Hill, the Avebury circles, the Rollright circle of Oxfordshire, and so on — are situated according to a discernible and definite pattern or grid upon the topography of that country. But it is quite another thing when that activity is also being done by Mesoamerican Mayans, or South American “Incas,” or ancient Egyptians, or primitive Teutons, or Modern Freemasons laying out Washington, D.C. or Chinese geomancers following the precepts of feng shui and at virtually all times in their history. The activity spans all times and transcends cultures, and yet, it is being done according to the same basic principles, and it all appears to have been done according to a “grid” pattern of amazing complexity and global extent. Any attempt at plumbing the depths of the entire phenomenon is therefore beyond the capabilities of any one researcher, or any one book.

  It is nonetheless the commonality of activity across so many cultures, over such a long span of time, which begs for explanation. And standard academic theories, here as elsewhere, fall short, because this common activity itself reflects a common purpose, a purpose transcending times and cultures, and pointing to hidden players, to the activities of hidden elites, guiding the constructions for their own purposes, purposes that can only be discovered by noting where such structures are located, by noting what the structures are, by noting the mythological traditions about them and the cultures that built them, and by taking into consideration the modern measurements of these sites and structures. As will be discovered, part of the motivation for such a vast undertaking is clearly alchemical.

  However, this activity is but one activity — albeit a major, if not the major, one — of those post-Cosmic War elites. Accordingly, it will perhaps be helpful to the reader to review here the model I have assumed concerning these elites, and their other post-Cosmic War activities.

  B. The Wider Context of the Activity

  I assume, in the first instance, that there were essentially two surviving elites from that very ancient interplanetary warfare that I call “The Cosmic War,” a “good” elite, wishing to restore to humanity in its entirety the benefits of the civilization destroyed in that War, a long and arduous process. There w
as also a “bad” elite, wishing to restore all the technological instruments of its own hegemony, and essentially to enslave the rest of mankind by means of them, perhaps for the purposes of once again marching out into space in an orgy of conquest.4

  In any case, these two elites, like the surviving Nazi and Anglo-American elites after World War Two, were thrust together in an uneasy post-war detente, for mutual cooperation was essential if either were to survive.5 Due to this circumstance, when examining the traces of the putative activities of these elites in ancient times, it more often than not is difficult to determine which group is most active in a given region, if one considers only textual evidence, but as will be seen in this book, there is one profound clue that emerges from a consideration of the Gird: human sacrifice.

  In the second place within this model I assume that both elites understood the very-long term nature of their goals and commitments, and thus set into place structures and institutions to ensure their survival and activities over a prolonged period of time. I thus assume that they endured throughout the millennia down to our own times. It is these two elites which are, in my opinion, the origin within esoteric and occult tradition of the idea of two “brotherhoods” and two paths: (1) the “white” brotherhood, emphasizing the right-hand path of love, peace, harmony, “white magic,” virtue, and tolerance, and (2) the “black” brotherhood, pursuing the left-hand path of violence, chaos, “black magic,” social engineering, and the “occult” in the standard sense, inclusive of blood sacrifices as we shall discover.

  Concomitant with this model is the implication that both elites know that at some point in history this detente is destined to break down, and open struggle between them will resume. While this book is not the place to pursue that discussion, I believe that there are distinctive signs in the last ten to twenty years that this is taking place.

  In this light then, a view of some of their other post-Cosmic War activities is in order, with a view to place the grid-building activity that is the subject of this book into its proper and wider context. In previous works, I have outlined and explored three other interrelated activities of these elites:

  1) In the aftermath of such a devastating Cosmic War, if there was to be a revival of a genuinely global civilization, there had to be a revival of commerce, carried out at great distances and between the emerging cultures of the Earth. This could only be facilitated by an accurate system of weights and measures capable of reproduction anywhere on Earth. This in turn could only be achieved via the relatively stable measures provided by geodetic and astronomical measurement itself. Thus, the first task of these elites was to establish the methods for acquiring such measures and then to propagate them as widely and quickly as possible;6

  2) Crucial to the re-creation of a genuinely global civilization was the restoration of social cohesion. Here there were two problems faced by the post-Cosmic War elites:

  a) In the aftermath of the war, their population was most likely devastated and depleted. It was accordingly necessary to expand the population base as quickly as possible and to create a work-force capable of carrying out the necessary projects and constructions. It is here, I believe, that we have a partial rationalization for the genetic engineering experiments and indications within ancient Mesopotamian (and Mayan!) texts that modern humanity is a chimerical engineered creation, part “god” and partly whatever pre-existent “hominid” as was available. Those texts make it clear that mankind was created precisely as a worker-serf for the “gods,” a slave. The difficulty was, these new creations had too much of the “gods” in them, and thought too independently. Some method of cohesion was therefore necessary to maintain order;

  b) At this juncture I have suggested that one mechanism and technique for the engineering of social cohesion was the introduction of religion, and in particular, monotheistic religion requiring absolute unquestioning obedience.7 This certainly has profound implications for standard religious apologetics, and it is best to allow professional theologians and apologists to deal with them, but nonetheless, it is a clear implication of this type of reading of ancient texts. Religion, on this view, becomes the principal technique of social engineering, and, read a certain way, parallels the institutionalized terrorism of the great revolutions in modern times, demanding unquestioned obedience to theocratic authority on pain of death. While I have not pursued extensive commentary on the subject, I have also suggested as well that the institution of human sacrifice was a component not only of this program, but also a kind of “collateralization” of humanity to certain types of monetary policy that began to emerge in ancient times, and that this in some cases was a component of social engineering via religion.8 As we shall see here in this book, however, there is yet another reason for such brutal practices, and that lies within certain conceptions the ancients held of the physical medium itself. In other words, some aspects of religious social engineering arises out of the nature of the physics itself;

  3) The most telltale sign, I believe, of the activities and orientations of these two post-war elites arises in connection with ancient monetary policy and financial structures. If the goal was to jump start civilization as quickly as possible, not only was commerce necessary, and therewith an accurate and reproducible system of geodetically-based weights and measures, but a medium of exchange was also necessary to facilitate it. Here as in modern times, two philosophies of money arose, each backed by their respective elite:

  a) Money was a receipt on the surplus goods and services, that is to say, on the gross domestic product, of the state itself, and thus was issued by the state debt-free as an instrument of exchange. In my opinion, this activity and philosophy represented the policies of the “good” elite, seeking to democratize the benefits of civilization as widely and quickly as possible. It is a policy mirror in some cases — as we shall see — by a peculiar attitude of some of the “gods” to the idea of sacrifice;

  b) Money was monetized debt, i.e., an instrument of exchange loaned into circulation at interest by private monopolies, thus creating a closed economic system where there is never enough “money” in circulation to pay the interest on the principle. This creates scarcity, and led to the most useful tool of social engineering and private profiteering: war. In my opinion, this financial policy and activity reflects the interests and agenda of the “bad” elite,9 for as will also be seen, the notion of blood sacrifices and debt are also deeply entangled.

  In my opinion, it is against this wider context that the grid-building activity should be viewed.

  C. The Chronological Context and Layers

  But there is another context in which it must be viewed, and that has already been implied: the chronological one.

  If one examines the various megalithic and pyramidal sites across the globe, one is immediately struck by a curious fact: the more ancient the structure — such as the Great Pyramid, or the remains at Lake Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu in Bolivia — the more highly engineered, and the more obvious a product of a sophisticated engineering technology, it is. As one moves forward in history closer to present times, the less skilful these structures become. Thus, situating these structures within time and cultures is very difficult, because this phenomenon raises difficult questions for standard academic theories and histories: did the ancient Egyptians really build the Great Pyramid? And did they really achieve its near perfect alignments and optical precision using ramps, logs, scaffolds, pulleys and thousands of slaves? Did the ancient Incas really build the remains in Latin America attributed to them, walls with gigantic granite rocks with irregular cuts placed so precisely, and without mortar, that a sheet of paper cannot be slipped into the joints? (And again, did they do this with ropes, logs, pulleys, and copper saws?) Did the Olmecs and Mayans really have a role in the construction of Teotihuacan in Mexico? We are fairly certain they had a role in the construction of places such as Chichen Itza or Tikal, but Teotihuacan? But if it was not them, then who did?

  A closer look at these ch
ronological layers is even more revealing of the complexity of these questions, and is, additionally, necessary, for these layers will form the basic organizational model and methodology of this essay, as we push our way back from modern times to increasingly more ancient ones.

  For purposes of this book, I distinguish between three broad layers of development:

  1) The oldest layer, which I term “megalithic” in a very broad sense, meaning structures and sites and pre-date the rise of the ancient classical civilizations of Egypt, Sumer, the Indus Valley, and so on. Here we are dealing with sites of great antiquity, older than 7,000 BC. For our purposes here, this means that sites such as Pumu Punkhu at Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, some of the megalithic stone circles in Britain, continental Europe, and Egypt, including the Sphinx, temples, and the two great Pyramids of Giza, are understood to be older than the civilizations that eventually came to occupy these sites. The reasons for this view will be advanced in the main text;