Grid of the Gods

by Farrell, Joseph P.

  “Tiahuanaco is a perfect illustration of a certain ‘challenge’ to all the theories, namely that it experienced a period of uncanny technological progress, followed by an equally unexplainable period of deterioration.” Igor Witkowski1

  south America is famous for its huge cyclopean walls of massive stones, cut at impossible angles and all fitted together so precisely, and without mortar, that one cannot slide a penknife blade between them; it is famous for ancient ruins, thousands of years old, buried beneath deep jungle in the heart of its murky interior, for strange sites of great antiquity depicting figures on the ground only visible and discernible from the air, and for a megalithic site high in the lofty reaches of the Andes mountains, a site that evidences such paradoxes that any way one slices them, one is in the presence of a great historical and technological mystery, one with crucial bearing on any study of the world Grid.

  That site is Tiahuanaco, and its sister site a few miles away, Puma Punkhu, both near the shores of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia.

  But before looking closer at Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu, an overview of the general context — itself bizarre enough — is needed, in order to see just how strange Tiahuanaco really is in the midst of so much other strangeness.

  In Peru, for example, it is well known that there are walls of stone, with two distinctive features or periods of construction in evidence. The first, and oldest of these, features large stones with irregular cuts, so precisely joined together, without mortar, that knife blades cannot be inserted into the cracks. The most famous of these is a twelve-sided stone with such irregular cuts as to defy the imagination, yet, it is fitted perfectly to all the surrounding stones.

  The Twelve-Sided Stone in an Ancient Wall near Cuzco.2

  Note that all of the stones seen in the above picture are joined together without mortar, and the twelve-sided stone implies a measure of technological sophistication to even cut and fit the stone so precisely with the surrounding blocks. Oftentimes these cyclopean structures are topped with a later layer of construction made according to a more traditional “rectangular brick and mortar” approach typical of Incan construction.

  But why would an earlier culture construct walls in such a complex way? One answer, given by engineers, is that in earthquake-prone Peru, the cavitation of an earthquake would certainly shake the walls, but, given the irregularity of many of the stone blocks in these walls, the stones would simply fall more or less back into their original position and the wall would remain intact. The later layers of Incan construction, built according to more conventional models, do not fare so well.

  Similar construction principles are found elsewhere in the world, as, for example, in the Gate of the Nekromonteion near the ancient city of Ephyra.

  The Gate of the Nekromonteion in Greece

  Again, the stones are irregularly cut and joined so precisely, that the structure, like the walls in Peru, has survived for centuries in spite of the many earthquakes in the region.

  A. The Riddle of Sacsayhuaman

  1. Indicators of Advanced Machining Technology

  A closer look at the walls near Cuzco — at a place called Sacsayhuaman — are in order to see precisely how intricate this method of construction could be. Indeed, so intricate is it that the sixteenth century Spanish chronicler, Garcilaso de la Vega, described his own shock at discovering the wall, and his deeper shock over its implications:

  Its proportions are inconceivable when one has not actually seen it; and when one has looked at it closely and examined it attentively, they appear to be so extraordinary that it seems as though some magic had presided over its It… construction is made of such (enormous) stones, and in such great number, that one wonders simultaneously how the Indians were able to quarry them, how they transported them, and how they hewed them and set them on top of one another… They are so well fitted together that you could not slip the point of a knife between two of them. If we think, too, that this incredible work was accomplished without the help of a single machine… how may we explain the fact that these Peruvian Indians were able to split, carve, lift, carry, hoist and lower such enormous blocks of stone, which are more like pieces of a mountain than building stones? Is it too much to say that it represents an even greater enigma than the seven wonders of the world?3

  A glance at a picture will demonstrate the enormity of the mystery, one that has not cleared up in the centuries between de la Vega’s observations and the present.

  The Irregular Cut Stones of the Wall of Sacsayhuaman

  It is intriguing to note that the notion of machining these massive and irregularly cut stones did not originate in late nineteenth or twentieth century “pseudo-archaeology,” the favorite term of the academically-blinded, for de la Vega’s observations were made in the sixteenth century, and even then, the implications were obvious and apparent. Indeed, one scientist calculated the weight of one of the enormous stone blocks in the wall and concluded it weighed approximately 355 tons, one of the heaviest such cut stones in the world,4 and exceeded in weight only by some of the truly gigantic stones of Baalbek in Lebanon.

  Conventional archaeological theory here as elsewhere seems unable, or afraid, to confront the obvious, and attributes these huge constructions to the Incas, who, it maintains, used a “trial and error” approach in cutting and then fitting these stones together so snugly. But having stated this nonsensical position, conventional archaeological theory admits that the Incas, for some inexplicable reason — just as the Egyptians — left no records nor even maintained any traditions about the construction of these huge walls!5 As Hancock and Faiia point out, the only record of the Incas even attempting to move such a huge stone, recorded once again in de la Vega’s Royal Commentaries of the Incas, “suggests that they had no experience of the techniques involved — since the attempt ended in disaster.”6

  And there is one final, highly significant, fact to be noted about Sacsayhuaman, and that is, that the Inca name means, quite literally, “Satisfied Falcon.” This, notes Hancock and Faiia, connects the site to the unlikely place of Egypt in a more direct way, since the name “Falcon” is a name of Horus, and suggests the secret “mystery school” or elite of Egypt, the Shemsu-Hor, the Followers of Horus.7

  2.The Incas, the Grid, and Human Sacrifice

  The scholar William Sullivan noted that, just as in the Old World, the ancient sites of the New World were used to convey complex astronomical information, in a “language of sacred revelation grounded in empirical observation,”8 but like the Aztecs, the Incas, according to Sullivan, took the symbolism of the heavenly machine, and the individual person’s ascent to it after death, literally, and thus were led “into the dark hell of black magic and human sacrifice.”9 In the Incas’ case, these sacrifices were always offered along the system of their straight roads, roads that were laid out in the customary design of making structures on Earth correspond to celestial constellations,10 the magical power thus conjured being concentrated at the place of sacrifice and “transmitted” throughout the empire by means of those roads and “ley lines.”

  The contrast is acute and compelling, and again, raises the central mystery:

  In Mexico and the Andes astronomically aligned, pyramidal monuments were used as part of the apparatus of sacrifice. In Egypt and Angkor astronomically aligned pyramidal monuments were used as part of a gnostic quest for immortality.11

  In other words, from one and the same mythological cosmology, two entirely different practices subsequently emerged. This is a crucial point, and we shall have occasion to return to it in a later chapter, but for the present moment, it is important to understand the significance of this point, for if the ancient cosmology examined in conjunction with Angkor Wat and some ancient texts (examined in chapter three) conceals a sophisticated topological metaphor of the physical medium, whose principal property is the creation of information via an “analogical process,” then the implication is that,in the ancient view, there is a direct relationship between conscious
ness and that physical medium. It is this direct relationship that leads to the subsequent divergence of the religious practices — one contemplative, the other very murderous and brutal — in connection with it.

  3.The “Aerial” Mysteries: The Transition to the Heart of the South American Riddle

  There are other mysteries, equally imponderable, to be found in Peru.

  The famous Nazca Lines in Peru, for example, are only visible from the air:

  Part of the Nazca Lines in Peru. Note the Straightness of the Lines

  This has led some in the “ancient astronauts” school to propose that the lines were direction markers in some ancient “spaceport.” But then, how does one explain these parts of the Nazca Lines, also only visible from the air?

  Nazca Lines in Peru with the Famous “Hummingbird” Glyph

  More recent investigations have shown many of these glyphs, the “Spider”(not shown) and the “Hummingbird” to be configured, once again, to certain astronomical alignments.

  Turning south from Peru towards Bolivia, the area surrounding Tiahuanaco is even stranger, for there the system of straight “ley lines” is even more in evidence from an aerial view of the Aymara Indian country surrounding Lake Titicaca, the site of Tiahuanaco.

  Straight Ley Line System in Aymara Indian Country in Bolivia, Near Lake Titicaca.

  And this brings us to the strangest ancient site in South America, and perhaps even the strangest of all sites on the world Grid, Lake Titicaca, and the curious ruins of Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu.

  B. Tiahuanaco and the Puma Punkhu Paradox: Ancient Machining

  No one visiting Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu can come away with anything less than awe and puzzlement, for there, amid the ruins of what was clearly an ancient city, high in the thin air of the lake, are the great stone remains of a civilization that clearly possessed an advanced technology able to machine the intricately cut stones. As we shall see, the presence of such clear evidence for a sophisticated stone-working technology raises in a clear fashion the possibility that one is looking at the debris of a very ancient civilization, remains that have led many to question the whole standard history and model of how mankind came to the South and North American continents.

  Just a glance at some of these will demonstrate this point better than any words could possibly do.

  Intricate Stone Cutting at Tiahuanaco12

  More than any other of the huge stones at Tiahuanaco, the so-called “H Blocks” — huge stones intricately cut — testify to the existence of some sort of technology, to the existence of some sort of advanced ancient machining technology:

  Trapezoidal Cuts in an “H-Block” at Tiahuanaco13

  And not far away, at Puma Punkhu, are the famous “H-Blocks” themselves:

  “H-Block” at Puma Punkhu,14

  Twin “H-Blocks” at Puma Punku15

  When engineers carefully examined these huge, finely-cut blocks, they discovered something else: the cuts were so placed on each block that the bocks were meant to be joined together, as if they were three-dimensional pieces of an intricate jigsaw puzzle.

  Artist’s Rendition of the Joining of the H-Blocks16

  The mystery only deepens, the closer one looks, and one researcher who did take a closer look was my friend and colleague in alternative research, Igor Witkowski.

  Best known for his truly magisterial research in the field of Nazi technology, The Truth About the Wunderwaffe,17 Witkowski turned his investigative talents to the question of human origins in the Americas in a fascinating study, Axis of the World: The Search for the Oldest American Civilization, a work we shall follow closely in this chapter, for Witkowski’s conclusions are nothing less than stunning, and his book also makes available for the first time in the English language some of the investigations into these mysteries undertaken in Eastern Europe.

  1. The Heart of All South American Mysteries

  Witkowski justifiably calls Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu “the heart of all the South American and Transpacific mysteries.”18 We shall see presently why he says that it is at the heart of the “Transpacific” mysteries. As has already been seen with the pictures of the elaborate stone-work of Tiahuanaco and Puma Punkhu, however, the site “is a perfect illustration of a certain ‘challenge’ to all the theories, namely that it experienced a period of uncanny technological progress, followed by an equally unexplainable period of deterioration,”19 for “the precision of stonecutting visible here and the level of its complexity are evident remains of some technological civilization’s activity.”20

  This problem is compounded by Tiahuanaco’s and Puma Punkhu’s location at Lake Titicaca in Bolivia, at an altitude of nearly 10,000 feet above sea level, an altitude of such thin air that only the nearby Aymara Indians are accustomed to breathing and working in it; for Europeans such as Witkowski, the effort often produces nosebleeds, exhaustian, and pre-heart attack symptoms.21 How could such a technologically sophisticated civilization emerge or settle in such an extreme place?

  The problem is further compounded by the fact that the gigantic machined stones of Puma Punkhu are scattered chaotically over the site, as if smashed by some heavy hand of destruction.22 To Wiktkowski, when one considered all the various sites evident in South America and the varying degrees of technological sophistication they exhibited, it was evident that the most recent Inca period was the least sophisticated. The further back one went, the more the evidence suggested that the technology itself was far superior in remotest times, than more recent ones. This suggested something of great significance for the chronological development of the South American civilizations to Witkowski, when one compared the great technological sophistication of Puma Punkhu, to the less sophisticated level of technology evidenced by nearby Tiahuanaco:

  Looking at the site we have the overwhelming impression that we deal here with a backward development from an advanced, sophisticated technology in the remote past, through a moderately developed technology in nearer history, up to its almost complete atrophy presently.

  When taking into account modern construction achievements, we face the truth that many of the construction methods that were applied in Puma Punkhu have absolutely no equivalent anywhere else in the world and would even be hard to reproduce in our time.23

  In other words, we have the following broad outlines of a tripartite structure of chronological and technological development:

  1) The most sophisticated technological evidence, stretching back to “High Antiquity”;

  2) A less sophisticated layer of technological development, stretching back to “antiquity”; and,

  3) The least sophisticated layer of technological development, comprising the known civilization of South America, the Incas.

  This broad, tripartite chronological pattern is quite the crucial point, for we shall be returning to it later in this chapter in connection withthe actual dating of Tiahuanaco, but also in subsequent chapters when we consider the dating of places such as Teotihuacan in Mexico, and most importantly, Giza in Egypt.24

  Witkowski outlines the complexity of attempting to machine the H Blocks and other stones found at Puma Punkhu, and just how precise the machined tolerances of these blocks really is:

  A serial stonecutting of the blocks (of very hard andesite) was applied, characterized by a precision hardly achievable today! I cannot imagine a contemporary designer who would propose to build some large object of megalithic blocks having such complex shapes, reproduced with a precision of the order of one tenth of a millimeter (which is roughly the thickness of this sheet of paper), while the convex edges, formed by merging surfaces made with such a precision were to correspond with analogous concave two- or three-dimensional edges of other blocks. Such a designer would have to be crazy! But such precision can be found at Puma Punkhu!

  The cutting machines currently in use (millers, for example) with rotating tools do not enable us to make such sharp concave edges, and in particular such sharp three dimensional concave corn
ers merging three perpendicular surfaces — not to mention the serial production of them! Such a technology simply does not exist. You can make a precise surface and polish it, or connect two such surfaces with a convex or concave edge, but it would be quite a challenge to connect three such surfaces and create a 90o concave corner, still keeping the 0.1mm precision tolerance in the very corner!25

  But such precise tolerances are not the only technological problem posed by Puma Punkhu.

  The other problem posed by the H Blocks is that they have “almost 80 surfaces each!” Witkowski quips — not inaccurately — “I suspect that a contemporary engineer could not even imagine designing them without a computer.”26 For Witkowski, the mere presence of such technological sophistication, in addition to a globally aligned system of sites, constitutes “a very serious challenge” to conventional academic views of the evolution of human civilization. Indeed, the contemporary historical, archaeological, and anthropological sciences seem utterly unwilling even to consider the facts.27

  And let us note one final thing by way of a question: why would one need such an almost optical precision in the H Blocks? Such precision by the nature of the case implies that it served some functional purpose, as in a machine.