Answering Jihad

by Nabeel Qureshi

  Although I believe that Ahmadis are a subgroup of Muslims, and by rejecting Islam I also rejected Ahmadiyyat, I had additional concerns about that particular sect that I ultimately never did investigate.

  Partisan Polemics

  Intra-religious rhetoric can often be fierce. Within Christianity, for example, the polemics between Catholics and Protestants have raged since the time of the Reformation into the twenty-first century. The same is true for Islam, and evidence indicates that Muslims around the world are prone to accuse one another of being non-Muslim.

  The Pew Research Center published the results of a survey in August 2012, titled “The World’s Muslims: Unity and Diversity,” demonstrating that Muslims differ drastically on whom they consider Muslim, and their opinions appear to be subjective, dependent upon region and proximity. For example, Muslims disagree on whether Sufis ought to be considered part of the fold: only 24 percent of Muslims in Southeast Asia believed Sufis are Muslims, contrasted with 77 percent of respondents in South Asia.

  Of course, the most well-known example of intra-Islamic discord is among Sunni and Shia Muslims. The same survey demonstrated that, out of the five Muslim countries surveyed in the Middle East–North Africa with Sunni majorities, all five of them are very divided as to whether Shia are actually Muslim. In Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Palestinian Territories, and Tunisia, 40 percent or more of Sunnis think Shia are non-Muslim.

  But where Sunnis live among many Shia, their views differ. According to the survey results, “Only in Lebanon and Iraq—nations where sizable populations of Sunnis and Shias live side by side—do large majorities of Sunnis recognize Shias as fellow Muslims.”

  I noticed a similar phenomenon in our lives as Ahmadi Muslims: when we moved to new areas and met Muslims who did not personally know Ahmadis, they started by treating us as outsiders. But as they got to know us, their view of Ahmadis usually changed. We lived like them, believed like them, and contributed to the community with them. Despite denominational differences, they invariably started to accept us as Muslims when they got to know us.

  Since the reasons for including or rejecting sects are often subjective, we ought to acknowledge that the matter of religious inclusion is multifaceted, especially in Islam today. It often has little to do with what people actually believe and how they live, instead dependent on familiarity and proximity. We must be careful not to get embroiled in the partisan polemics.

  An example of such polemics that I have often heard argued against Ahmadis is a parallel between Mormonism and Ahmadiyyat: “Mormons call themselves Christian, but they are not really Christian. Similarly, Ahmadis call themselves Muslim but they are not really Muslim.” This is a false parallel. Mormonism is generally excluded from Christianity because it is a polytheistic faith, teaching that Jesus is one of many gods. It contravenes a central tenet of Christianity: monotheism. Ahmadiyyat does not deny any central tenets of Islam.

  Ahmadiyyat is often accused of heresy because its founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, claimed to be a prophet. Since the Quran says Muhammad is the “seal of the prophets,” orthodox Muslims consider Ahmadis to be heretics and non-Muslims. However, as Ahmadis, we were taught that Ahmad was a subordinate prophet, not nearly of the caliber of Muhammad himself. Ahmadis believe Muhammad was the seal of the prophets since he was the last prophet sent with a law; the only degree to which Ahmad had prophetic authority was insofar as he pointed his followers back to Muhammad.

  In response to this, I have heard Muslims say that Ahmad himself taught otherwise, but even if that were true, we were never taught anything else. We believed that Muhammad was our ultimate human authority, and Ahmad was simply directing us back to him. Thus, I saw the whole issue of Ahmad’s “prophethood” as a semantic one. Regardless, these matters are definitely peripheral issues, as disagreement over the precise interpretation of one verse does not constitute transgression of central Muslim tenets. Ahmadis unquestionably follow and believe the core practices and teachings of Islam.

  As I have recently learned, a high court in India concluded that Ahmadis are Muslims for almost exactly the same reasons as mine. In the 1970 case Shihabuddin Imbichi Koya Thangal vs K.P. Ahmed Koya, the judge concluded: “The bond of union, if I may say so, consists in the identity of its doctrines, creeds, formularies and tests which are its very core and constitute its distinctive existence. Looking at the issue devoid of sentiment and passion and in the cold light of the law I have no hesitation to hold that the Ahmadiyya sect is of Islam and not alien.”

  It is noteworthy that this conclusion was drawn by a court in Kerala, India. Kerala is a highly Catholic region of the country, and India itself is overwhelmingly Hindu. This court appeared to have no vested interest in either party, and concluded that Ahmadis are Muslim with “no hesitation.”

  In fact, this conclusion was based in part on a precedent, when another judge in India, J. Oldfield, concluded similarly regarding Ahmadis. Oldfield’s reasoning was based on yet another case, in which the prevailing Muslim denomination charged Wahhabis of not being Muslim, an example of intrareligious polemics that Muslims have since moved past.

  The fact of the matter is Muslims have called each other non-Muslim around the world for centuries. Perhaps this is because Muslims have a very narrow view of variety allowed in Islam. The same Pew survey demonstrated that, “In thirty-two of the thirty-nine countries surveyed, half or more Muslims say there is only one correct way to understand the teachings of Islam.” The corollary is obvious: such Muslims see any divergence in Islam as heretical.

  Currently, Ahmadis are facing scrutiny in most regions, but other regions have already come around: in Bangladesh, for example, the Pew Forum survey found that 40 percent of Sunnis believed Ahmadis to be Muslim. Whatever their reasoning, their conclusion is correct, as Ahmadis fulfill the criteria of inclusion given by the traditions of Muhammad and observed throughout history.

  The Complex Textures of Life

  I am often asked questions which attempt to put people into neat boxes, but that is not how life works. For example, many Protestants have asked me whether I think Catholics are Christian. My response is: “Some are and some are not. The same is true of Baptists, Methodists, Anglicans, Seventh Day Adventists, etc.” Denominational affiliation often tells us very little about individuals, and painting everyone with the same brush is dangerous.

  In my case, although I was an Ahmadi Muslim, I spent the majority of my Muslim life attending a Sunni mosque in Norfolk, Virginia. In fact I hesitate to say that it was a Sunni mosque because there were many denominations there. There was a time when I took religious education courses through that mosque, and my Quran teacher was a Zaidi Shia. So, as an Ahmadi, I was learning the Quran under a Shia teacher employed by a Sunni mosque. That is what Islam looks like in the United States, much more inclusive and diverse than elsewhere in the world. We did not focus on denominational differences.

  From the age of ten until my conversion at twenty-two, I often fasted with Sunnis and Shias at that mosque, celebrated Eid festivals, gathered at their homes, and otherwise was a part of the community. Perhaps the greatest indication that I was integrated into the Muslim community was that I prayed salaat with them, usually being led by them but at times even leading prayers at peoples’ homes as the imam myself. Many Ahmadis do not pray behind non-Ahmadis, but when I reached adulthood and discovered their reasoning, I found it very problematic. I did not have anything against praying with other Muslims, seeing myself as one of them, and so I often did.

  My Assessment of Ahmadiyyat While Muslim

  When I was investigating Islam and Christianity, my position was rather simple: since Ahmadiyyat is a subgroup of Islam, I would investigate its evidence after investigating the evidence for Islam. If there were good reason to believe in Islam, then I would investigate its various denominations. However, if Islam proved to be historically problematic, then there would be no need to consider any of its denominations. As it turned out, the latter was my conclusi
on. On account of the evidence, I rejected the shahada, and in so doing I rejected Ahmadiyyat.

  That said, I had come across some troubling matters regarding Ahmadiyyat before rejecting Islam. While I was researching Islam and Christianity, a close childhood friend of mine rejected Ahmadiyyat for Sunni Islam. Intrigued, I asked him his reasons, and he shared many arguments with me that I thought, if true, would pose significant problems for Ahmadiyyat.

  For instance, he argued that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad had issued many false prophecies. An example he gave was that Ahmad had prophesied that he would live until the age of eighty, but he died about a decade before that. Another of his failed prophecies was that a certain woman would marry him; she never did marry Ahmad, and a great controversy resulted on account of the failed prophecy. My friend also suggested that Ahmad had defrauded hundreds of people; he pledged to write fifty books for them and took payment for all fifty up front, but ultimately only wrote five. He justified this by saying, essentially, “The difference between ‘fifty’ and ‘five’ is a zero, and since zero is nothing, I have delivered what I promised.”

  These were just three of dozens of reasons my friend left Ahmadiyyat for Sunni Islam. I knew of a handful of other people that left Ahmadiyyat for other reasons, including the accusation that Ahmadiyyat functioned as a cult, with strong central control and a tendency to excommunicate people even for minor transgressions, such as playing music at weddings. But, as before, I had decided to visit these matters more carefully only if I determined Islam was true, and that never happened.

  Conclusion

  In the end, I think it is important to recognize that the grey areas make it difficult to draw boundaries of religious inclusion and identity. If inclusion in a religion were based on majority opinion, then Ahmadis would not be Muslim, but Sufis would not be either, nor would Shias be Muslim in some places, and Sunnis would be excluded in others. Such a measure ultimately becomes absurd.

  That is why I suggest religious identity be determined by those beliefs and practices that distinguished a community from its surroundings during its inception. At the inception of Islam, what made someone a Muslim was whether he assented to the authoritative prophethood of Muhammad and exclusively worshiped the one god Allah. I think that all who do so today are Muslim, including Ahmadis. Most importantly, Muhammad suggested the same.

  But whether someone agrees with me or not, the fact remains that this book investigates Islam and speaks to the common Muslim experience. It is my prayer that the reader of this book will not be deterred by partisan polemics.

  Glossary

  Abrogation

  —In Islam, the doctrine of abrogation, or cancelling, refers to a portion of the Quran being cancelled. The term can mean that a passage has been taken out of the book, or that the command of a verse has been rescinded, or both.

  Badr

  —The first of the five major battles fought by the Muslims, it was a result of a Muslim raid against a Meccan caravan during which, against the odds, Muslims succeeded in defeating their opponents.

  Bidah

  —In Islam, a teaching or practice that is not original to the foundational texts of Islam. The term literally means “innovation,” and it is a negative term implying inauthenticity.

  Burqa

  —The outer garments a Muslim woman wears in accordance with Quranic commands of modesty.

  Dabiq

  —The field of battle where many Muslims believe Armageddon will begin. Also the name of ISIS’s glossy magazine.

  Dar al-Harb

  —The “House of War,” a term for lands that did not belong to Muslims or those with whom the Muslims had a treaty.

  Dar al-Islam

  —The “House of Islam,” or the lands of the Muslims.

  Dar al-Sulh

  —The “House of Treaty,” or lands that belonged to those with whom the Muslims had agreed not to fight.

  Dhimmi

  —A protected, second-class citizen living under Muslim rule.

  Fiqh

  —The application of sharia in the lives of Muslims.

  Ghilman

  —A term for slave soldiers of the early Muslims, starting around the ninth century.

  Hadith

  —A tradition of something Muhammad has said. These are often accompanied with chains of transmission, or authorities that recounted the tradition tracing back to Muhammad himself. The term hadith also functions as an umbrella term for sunnah, the actions of Muhammad recorded in tradition.

  Hijaz

  —An expanse of land on the west side of Arabia on the Red Sea, encompassing the important Muslim cities of Mecca, Medina, and modern day Jeddah.

  Hypocrites

  —A category of Muslims in the Quran who proclaim to follow Muhammad and Allah, but who do not do so in reality. They incur harsh judgment from Allah, and the warnings given to them seem intended to make all Muslims more zealous for their religion.

  Ijma

  —A consensus of Muslim jurists.

  Ijtihad

  —The process of jurisprudence in sharia.

  Islam

  —The religion of Muslims, traditionally understood to have been established by Muhammad in 610 AD. The word itself means “surrender.”

  Islamic fundamentalist

  —A nebulous term that has been defined by some to mean those Muslims who support the implementation of Islamic law and, by extension, other beliefs and practices that are considered antiquated by modern standards.

  Jahiliyya

  —An Islamic term for pre-Islamic days, evoking imagery of illiteracy and barbarity.

  Jihad

  —A word meaning “struggle,” it ultimately came to describe the Muslim doctrine of spiritual warfare. It can be used spiritually, but in the traditions of Muhammad’s life and in the Quran it is primarily used for fighting.

  Jizya

  —The ransom tax that dhimmis had to pay Muslims in order to live in their lands. This gave them a protected, second-class status.

  Khybar

  —A Jewish stronghold that was decimated by Muhammad and maintains a significant place in the memory of radical Muslims today.

  Mamluk

  —A term for slave soliders of the classical Islamic era, starting around the eleventh century.

  Nakhla

  —The first successful raid of the Muslims, it was conducted on the order of Muhammad during the Arab holy month of truce, resulting in great controversy.

  Purdah

  —The practice of Muslim women to keep themselves veiled.

  Qiyas

  —Analogical reasoning, used in Islamic jurisprudence.

  Quran

  —The Muslim holy scriptures, serving as the foundation for sharia and the primary proclamation of Muhammad.

  Ramadan

  —The Muslim holy month, wherein fasting is mandatory, among other Islamic traditions.

  Salafi

  —Muslims who attempt to follow the first generations of Muslims, the “ancestors,” in their strict adherence to Islamic practice. This fundamentalist devotion often results in violent expressions of Islam.

  Shahada

  —The proclamation that “there is no god but Allah, and Muhammad is his Messenger.” It is the motto of all Muslims, and reciting it with true belief is sufficient for conversion to Islam.

  Sharia

  —Technically translated “path to water,” it is the term for Islamic law, encompassing the proper way to live life for a Muslim.

  Shia

  —A branch of Islam that envisions succession of Islamic leadership to have proceeded by Muhammad’s bloodline rather than election. They constitute approximately 10–15 percent of Muslims worldwide.

  Shirk

  —The unforgivable sin in Islam, associating partners with Allah. This is analogous to blasphemy, and it includes such things as worshiping stones or worshiping Jesus.

  Sufi

  —An order of Muslims sometimes distinct
from the branches of Sunni or Shia. Their expression of Islam is often less focused on legalities and traditions, and relatively more focused on spiritual and ethical matters.

  Sunnah

  —The actions of Muhammad recorded in Islamic tradition.

  Sunni

  —The majority branch of Islam, constituting approximately 80 percent of Muslims worldwide.

  Takbir

  —The Islamic slogan Allahu Akbar, which means “Allah is greater.” It is a versatile phrase, used for many purposes. The traditions show Muhammad using it in celebration, in glorification of Allah, and in intimidation of his enemies.

  Takfir

  —The Islamic doctrine of excommunication. Classically, Muslims have been very inclusive of other Muslims, a tradition that traces back to Muhammad. Radical Muslims, however, use this doctrine to justify their attacks on less zealous Muslims that they consider hypocrites.

  Tawhid

  —The Islamic doctrine of God, formulated partially in response to the Trinity. It is the proclamation of an absolutely monadic God.

  Ummah

  —The worldwide population of the Muslim people, seen as one.

  Sneak Peek

  The following is an excerpt from Nabeel Qureshi’s

  forthcoming book, No God but One: Allah or Jesus?

  Prologue

  Prologue Fatima’s Dilemma

  “Repent! Otherwise you have blasphemed!”

  Her brother had seethed with rage, and his words still echoed in Fatima’s mind. Repent! You have blasphemed! The words were laced with threat: The penalty for blasphemy was death. Had she really blasphemed? She hadn’t meant to. It had been a heated argument; she had accidentally blurted out some words. But what now? How could this have happened? She was struggling to think clearly. Her very life was in jeopardy.