Hitler's Spy Princess
Page 22
If I have thus submitted quite frankly these ideas to your Lordship, I have done so in order to give proof of my appreciation of the high value of the journalistic attitude adopted by your Lordship in the British press.
Thanking you again most sincerely for the support which you are giving to a truly European policy of peace, I am
Yours faithfully
Adolf Hitler
III: LETTER FROM CROWN PRINCE WILHELM OF GERMANY TO LORD ROTHERMERE, 20 JUNE 1934
Prince Wilhelm (1882–1951) was the eldest son of Kaiser Wilhelm II, who abdicated in 1918. This document is written in English, from Unter den Linden, Berlin W8. Its unidiomatic language suggests that it was written by the crown prince in his own English. There is no royal crest on the copy document, it is not hand signed, and it comes from a central Berlin address, not from his Cecilienhof palace in Potsdam. All this suggests that the crown prince typed it himself as secretly and anonymously as possible, in case the letter was intercepted. Following the abdication and exile of his father, the crown prince had no royal or even official status, still less after Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933. For Prince Wilhelm to write a letter like this was risky. Only days after this letter was written, Hitler had hundreds of his political opponents and rivals, including conservatives like ex-Chancellor Schleicher, murdered in cold blood. Tr.
Dear Lord Rothermere,
Princess Hohenlohe’s visit gives me the opportunity to send you a letter safely, a letter which might possibly interest you. It is hardly necessary to accentuate, that the contents of this letter are meant only for you personally.
In my life until now I have always held to it, to try at certain periods of time to render account to myself about my own existence, but also, and perhaps particularly so, about the great issues of the age and the problems concerning my fatherland. I was trying to do the same thing, as it were, that a business man does, who, at certain periods, is determining the balance, or, what we army leaders during the world war did, when we prepared reports on the general situation at certain moments. At such stops I have always found it very valuable to discuss my findings with some person, who seemed certain to possess enough knowledge and experience of his own, to make an exchange of one’s views with his, helpful to both. For some time I have also felt the desire to express to you frankly my thoughts about the situation here in Germany, and to beg you then to communicate to me just as frankly – applying your great experience in political matters and your deep knowledge of human beings and of social interdependencies – your own reaction to my views.
How things in Germany appear to me today, I shall try to set forth as follows:
Hitler came into power at the right psychological moment. A lost war with its tremendous sacrifices, the revolution following it, all the humiliations of the Peace Treaty of Versailles, the senseless destruction of our entire war material, the degrading reparation payments, which burdened our people with insane debts, the consecutive inflation, which ruined the most valuable parts of the nation, the middle classes, the incredible confusion and corruption amongst the bosses of the Red regime, the inwardly utterly decayed democratic parliamentarism under the perilous leadership of the Social Democrats and the Zentrum [centre parties] – all this had created an atmosphere enveloping the whole German people, within which all faith had disappeared, all authority of the State had been undermined, and where only the individual as such was still trying, in crassest egotism though, to provide for its existence somehow. Such was the mood, when Adolf Hitler, whose genius had understood [how] to hammer into the broad masses of the workers the faith in a new National Socialist Germany, began his ascent. Hitler found his followers not only among labourers; every decent German, who had hated and despised the black-red-gold [Weimar] republic from the innermost of his soul, saw in him the saviour of our people. The more so as even men like General von Seeckt, Stresemann, Brüning and also General von Schleicher,1 to all of whom I cannot deny the recognition of their great abilities and best intentions, had never shown the will and the energy, required for really thoroughgoing action. Thus I also joined Adolf Hitler, already at a time, when wide circles of the Stahlhelm2 and particularly of the German nationalists refused to recognise him. May I remind you of our last conversation at Cecilienhof and of the things I had to say in favour of Hitler? May I summarise it once more shortly:
I had tried repeatedly to induce already Chancellor Brüning to retire voluntarily, and to recommend Hitler as his successor, to the Field-Marshal [President Hindenburg]. I continued these attempts under the Chancellorship of General von Schleicher. At the Presidential elections I stated publicly that I would vote for Adolf Hitler and against the Field-Marshal. I believe to have thus secured for Adolf Hitler about two million votes3 from my Stahlhelm comrades and from the German nationalists. I also intervened personally to obtain the cancellation of the interdict against the National Socialist formations. – At last the old Field-Marshal, after the negotiations of Franz von Papen, entrusted Adolf Hitler with the leadership of the Reich, as its Chancellor. All I can say is that on that day indescribable jubilation went through the whole German nation. Then came the day at Potsdam (Church of the Garrison), a speech deeper and more moving than any I had ever heard from a German statesman. Only one who has been present on that occasion can realise the sublime mood of the Germans in those hours. Large parts of the nation expected already then that Adolf Hitler would express on that day the reunion with the monarchy in some form.4
The first actions of the new government were highly satisfying; they showed the determination to penetrate all spheres without any inhibition. They launched their program of work, magnificently and brilliantly. The corruption of the Red bosses was thoroughly exterminated. Social Democrats, Communists and the Zentrum were liquidated. The rearmament of the nation was recognised as a necessity. The withdrawal from the League of Nations and from the Disarmament Conference announced to the world at large the determination of the new German government, behind which, for the first time, the whole nation was concentrated, not to tolerate any longer [being] treated as a second-class people. At the same time everything was done to re-start [the] German economy. The motor-car industry experienced an unparalleled expansion. Monumental road-building was begun; the ‘labour service’ undertook the profitable task of cultivating unused and, until then, uninhabitable land. And German aviation was revived under a new impulse.
All these things filled every sincere German with pride and joy. And thus the respect for, and the confidence in the personality of the Führer Adolf Hitler grew from month to month. That was also the time when my personal relations with Adolf Hitler were friendly and enjoyable.
Slowly, and hardly noticeably at first, shadows began to fall upon this scene so full of light. To understand why it was possible at all that such clouds should invade the sky of the Third Reich, one must realise that it was not Hitler alone who determined the policy of the National Socialist Party. His pure intentions and his occasional greatness of thought cannot be disputed. But the National Socialist Party consists, as you know, of the most variegated elements. In their ranks you can find the formerly German nationalist land-owner, as well as the formerly Communist mechanic; naturally, the best friends and advisers of the Führer, who have been at his side since the time of their earliest struggle for power, are of equally different coinage. The names of Hess, Röhm, Göring, Goebbels, Darré, Baldur von Schirach5 and others represent – although they are all National Socialists, and although they are certainly faithful followers of the Führer – just as many programmes. Each of them according to his inclination and to his predisposition. And thus one can distinguish clearly two different trends within the movement; the one which accentuates the word ‘National’ and the other which accentuates the word ‘Socialist’ in their party’s name. One of the representatives of the second trend, or rather its spiritual leader, is the Minister of the Reich, Dr Goebbels, an exceptionally intelligent man, a former pupil of the Jesuits, who is a
master of all the arts of demagogy. Everything in the Germany of today that we can only contemplate with grave concern, such as the ever growing radicalisation of the movement, the continual catering to the masses, the fight against Judaism, against the Catholic Church, against the intellectuals, against the ‘Reaction’ (which comprises all the parts of the nation, which are today still monarchistic) – is the work of the Minister of Propaganda and of the men of his spiritual orientation.
Conditions are now such that the entourage of the Führer is isolating him more and more, and that men of independent opinion are rarely or never admitted to his presence. On the other hand, the influence of the Minister of the Reich, Dr Goebbels, who spends his days and nights with the Führer, appears ever-increasing. The greatest part of the German people have today only one desire: tranquillity. To pursue one’s trade or occupation undisturbedly, to earn one’s living in a way securing a fairly decent existence – that is the general hope of all sober Germans. This mentality does not suit at all the men who think as the Minister of Propaganda does. They thrive on conflict and unrest. The people must be whipped up again and again, must never settle down to start thinking. And that’s why we have to witness these everlasting parades and mass meetings, why we have to listen to all the demagogic speeches against the Jews, against the Churches, against foreign countries and against the past. Therein lies the danger: the young generation is being more and more brought up in the radical spirit of the Left. Within the ‘Hitler Youth’ the authority of the parental home is being undermined systematically. Children, who have learned yet nothing, are told continually that they represent the most valuable part of the population. All men over thirty are represented as oldsters, already senile, who have no longer any right to exist. This tendency, crystallised in the person of the Minister of Propaganda, disquiets deeply all of us, who are sincerely concerned with the welfare of the fatherland, and who are today still standing solidly behind our Führer, Adolf Hitler. Recently I have discussed frequently the present situation and my anxieties with various men, whose judgement means a great deal to me. The result of all these conversations was always the same: it will be possible to overcome the great difficulties of the immediate future only if one should succeed in opening the eyes of the Führer to the development of the ‘movement’ in Germany – a development certainly much against his intentions – and to growing discontent. He must be told the truth about the doings of the so-called Nazi bosses, and be convinced that the zero hour has arrived for him to intervene drastically – particularly in matters of the personnel – and to remove all the crowd unfit for their positions and of direct menace.
In my personal view the Führer would strengthen and fortify his own position in the German nation to a quite extraordinary extent, if he could bring about a union with the monarchy in some form or other. How this is to be done is a question of staging. But for the time being it does not seem as if the Führer has arrived already at the recognition of such a necessity. In view of your great experience and of the respect which you enjoy in Germany, it might be of great profit to our fatherland, but also to the whole world, I think, if you, dear Lord Rothermere, would acquaint the Führer with some of these observations and thoughts, provided that you also consider them as true, and that an opportunity for doing so should arise. Only quite independent men like you, Lord Rothermere, who are also elements of power in themselves, can afford to tell the Führer the truth frankly.
That’s how I see the situation as a whole. It would interest me more than I can say, to hear how our affairs appear to you, an observer under no influence.
I have always regretted it that until now all contacts between our family and the English Royal Family have remained entirely disrupted. The happier I was, therefore, when I heard that my son Hubertus has had the opportunity of seeing the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York. He related to me enthusiastically his impressions of the cordial and comrade-like manner of the Prince of Wales. During the present year my son Fritz is to accept the invitation of Lord Jellicoe, and to participate at the regatta in Cowes. Personally, I would consider it a great joy if I too could pay an unofficial visit to England at some time or other. My sympathies for your people have always been very great, so great that before the World War I had proposed to the Kaiser and his Government a restriction of our naval construction, and an alliance with England. Should such a visit become feasible, I would have to know, of course, what my attitude towards the Royal Family of England is expected to be. On the one hand I would not like to visit your country without paying my dutiful respects to the Royal Family; on the other hand I do not know if the King and Queen6 would feel inclined to receive me. Perhaps the situation has become more favourable – as the Duke of Braunschweig [Brunswick] and my little sister have been seen recently by your King and Queen. Incidentally I believe it would make a good impression everywhere if the old hostilities of the war were buried by such a meeting, and if the solidarity of the royal houses were thus proved anew.
Hoping to be able to welcome you soon again as a guest in my house, I remain,
In old friendship
Your
Wilhelm
IV: LETTER FROM ADOLF HITLER TO LORD ROTHERMERE, 3 MAY 1935
Before being sent, this letter was, like other letters from Hitler to Rothermere, translated into English by one of Hitler’s staff, whose first language was clearly not English. The translator’s original punctuation and spelling have been reproduced here. Hitler’s German text has been lost, which is unfortunate, since the translation contains some very obscure passages, which might have been clearer in the original German. Tr.
Dear Lord Rothermere,
May I thank you most sincerely for the letter which you were kind enough to send me through Princess von Hohenlohe.
For me to know that I have met you, Lord Rothermere, a sincere friend of an English-German understanding, is all the more propitious and meaningfull [sic] because therein lies the duty for which I have often fought relentlessly, long before my official political activity and my chancelorship [sic]. The rightness of these trains of thought will find no better proof than the course of the great world war, its victims and its results.
I believe that a day will come when, upon reviewing the European History of the last 300 years methodically and scientifically, it will become apparent that 9/10 of all the blood shed on the battlefields, was shed completely in vain. In vain that is compared with the naturalistic interests of the participating peoples.
I do not exclude Germany from that, on the contrary: Our country has lost at least 20–25 million people in the course of these 300 years; but probably more, through wars which, on the whole were without benefit to the nation, if one wishes to see success not in the light of dubious fame, but in that of practical utility. On occasions Europe squandered its strenght [sic] thoughlessly [sic]. The only state which had enough sense to obtain from these proceedings, at least for long intervals and which derived certain benefits from so doing, was England. Thanks to the cleverness of the English people and of many of its governments it has built the world’s biggest empire with a fiction of such victims. I do not think a cool check of the English participation in the world war, will attribute the same useful meaning to this happening, for the strengthening of the British Empire, as was indubitably accomplished by means of many actions with an infinitely better effort. Germany has lost everything through its battle with its great Germanic neighbour. England has – I dare say this in all modesty – at least not gained anything, but probably contributed towards creating expectations of a world development which does not lie within the interests of the British Empire. I do not say this in order to give sentence in the question of guilt. I believe that knowing the extend [sic] and consequences of this happening, no responsible statesman would have wished the war, just as it is certainly sure to say that no one entered upon this war, from either side, with eyes wide open, but only due to faulty failures and unfortuante [sic] prejudices combined with an inc
omplete knowledge of the true European interests. For 500 years the two Germanic peoples have lived close together without having become involved in any serious military difference. England opened a great part of the world to the white race. An immortal and never-ceasing service! Germany was a coloniser in Europe, whose aggregate cultural and, also, economic activities for the welfare and the greatness of this old Continent are difficult to estimate. This 41½ years’ war swept away the pick of the manhood of both nations; severely hit Germany’s influence in Europe; and by no means strengtened [sic], if it did not actually weaken, England’s importance in the world. Worst of all, however, there was left behind a legacy of prejudice and passion, which affords appropriate soil to those who aim at the sabotaging of the consolidation of Europe and to those who are inwardly hostile to the strengthening of White supremacy in the world. I believe that clever German statesmanship, and a no less calm British, in the years from 1900 to 1914 would have found ways and means not only to assure peace to the two Germanic peoples but also to bring them high advantages. The picture that the world today offers is at any rate, from the point of view of both peoples, less satisfactory than it might otherwise have been. Bolshevism tears away a mighty slice of European-Asiatic breathing-space (Lebensraum) from the structure of what is, in our conception, the only possible international world economy. The safety of the British Empire, which is to the interest of the whole White race, is weakened rather than strengtened [sic] by the lining up of, in part, new international power factors. The tendencies of a declaration of independence of former colonial territories grew in the same way as the attempts to destroy by means of an unnatural industrialisation – because it is crutificial [sic, does he mean ‘crucial’, or ‘artificial’?] – of given territories for raw materials, the order between production and consumer territories, which was built up in the course of many centuries. When will reason set in at last, and when will the white race obtain from a development which perforce would mean its end?