Stormtide Rising (Kirov Series Book 29)

by Schettler, John

  “General Secretary, having made inquiries before my arrival here, it would seem that this is nothing more than a screening force for the lines of communication used by our 11th Army. As you must know, those troops deployed across the Manych River at Proteletarsk and established their headquarters in Salsk, relieving your 1st Kazakh Army of the burden of further deployment and combat against Soviet troops in the Kuban.”

  “Well enough,” said Volkov. “Yet my army was more than willing to continue its campaign in the Kuban—until your 11th Army Commander made a specific request that our troops withdraw.”

  “I was informed that our operational styles being so different in a campaign of this nature, the 11th Army request was merely meant to ensure maximum efficiency in the campaign ahead.”

  “You are suggesting our troops have become a nuisance—a hindrance to your own operations?”

  “That is put in terms a little more abrasive than I would have devised,” said Ribbentrop.

  “Ah, yes,” said Volkov. “All Ambassadors and Foreign Ministers are gifted at birth with honeyed tongues. I am just a little more forthright. I have subsequently learned that the Yegorluk River has now become a sort of demarcation line for this Kuban operation, with your forces operating west of that river, and ours to the east.”

  “Correct,” said Ribbentrop. “I was told the river formed a convenient line. In such operations, all Armies and Korps level formations routinely adjudicate such operational boundaries. There is nothing more to it.”

  “I see… Mister Ribbentrop, perhaps we should now discuss the division of territory within the Kuban Region at the conclusion of this campaign. Considering our long investment of men and material in the Caucasus, it would seem appropriate that the forces of Orenburg would assume control of the Kuban District after this campaign, with the line of the Don River again forming a convenient demarcation boundary. Are you in agreement with this proposal?”

  At that, Ribbentrop hesitated briefly, something that Volkov did not fail to perceive. His request was clearly a matter that had made the Foreign Minister somewhat uncomfortable. “Mister General Secretary,” he began. “You may also be aware of a recent Führer Directive stating that all territories liberated by German forces would henceforward be considered German occupied zones.”

  “Are you telling me that Germany now wishes to assume control of the Kuban District indefinitely? I would have thought this matter would have followed the template set down in the Volgograd campaign. While Orenburg welcomed and appreciated German military cooperation and support, we were equally gratified to see that Germany acknowledged our longstanding claim upon that city and district, and that also applies to the Kuban. My forces had operational control of that district until 1940, when the Soviets launched their offensive into the Caucasus, which took them deep into our territory—our territory, Mister Foreign Minister. We stopped them, but have not yet mustered sufficient strength there to roll them back. Then, when our forces linked up, we again welcomed German military support as before. But I am afraid I must insist that I expect all German forces to withdraw from the Kuban at the conclusion of these operations, and control of that district to return to our jurisdiction.”

  “Is this a formal request?” asked Ribbentrop.

  “It is.”

  “Then I will take it to Berlin for consideration.”

  “Please do so.”

  Ribbentrop nodded. “Yet considering the contradiction with the Führer’s recent directive, I cannot promise anything to you here and now regarding an agreement.”

  “You should not have to. The territorial rights concerning this district are clear, and there is a long historical precedent. The Kuban belongs to the Orenburg Federation. Sergei Kirov occupied it illegally with his surprise offensive, and now we will be most glad to see his brigands rounded up and sent to the prison camps we are preparing out on the Kalmyk Steppe. That will be something else your military will not have to worry about, and then you will have all those divisions available for deployment elsewhere. We are also prepared to cede control of Rostov to your forces, it being largely north of the Don. I’m sure the Führer will be eager to make good use of those 24 divisions for his upcoming offensive in the north.”

  “Military deployments are not my responsibility,” said Ribbentrop. “I suppose all this will be a matter for the Führer to decide. If he wishes to waive control of the Kuban in this instance, so be it, and I will inform you directly.”

  “And if he does not wish to issue such a waiver?” Volkov gave Ribbentrop a hard look.

  “Then I would ask you to consider your overall interests in this war, and the value of the support you now have where German arms are busy settling matters that have been unresolved by your own forces for the last twenty years….”

  The veiled insult behind Ribbentrop’s words was clearly heard, though Volkov maintained a cold, emotionless front. “I remind you, Mister Foreign Minister, that German troops are about their business at the invitation of this government. Concerning the Kuban, we are not inclined to compromise. It has been, and will remain, the sovereign territory of Orenburg. I also note that we recently offered you military support, at some cost, by sending troops all the way from Baku through Persia to assist with the campaign in Iraq. Yet there, it seems our troops are also now viewed as a nuisance. I just received a report that German paratroops have occupied Baba Gurgur and Kirkuk. That was also territory that Orenburg was ready to administer. After all, we have long decades of experience in oil well development, and have promised Germany to supply all her war needs in that category once clear shipping lines and lanes can be secured.”

  Ribbentrop smiled. “That is, I suppose, the heart of the matter where the Kuban is concerned. Germany is prepared to commit its Todt Organizations to restore the pipeline from Maykop to Rostov, rebuild the rail lines, clear the Black Sea ports, eliminate the Soviet Black Sea Fleet, and open sea lanes to Odessa and other ports. Again, we are most efficient when retaining full control of territories where such operations are undertaken.” Ribbentrop poured out his words like a man quietly pouring a glass of wine for an important guest, but Volkov clearly smelled the poison. If the Germans wished to restore the pipeline from Maykop’s burgeoning wells, they would have to occupy that zone as well, which was now firmly in Volkov’s hands, some 40 kilometers behind the Soviet front to the west.

  “Then you are suggesting German occupation of the Kuban would be temporary—until such time as these infrastructure projects are completed?”

  “That may be the case, but Berlin would have to confirm.”

  “Mister Foreign Secretary…. Let me be clear. That must be the case. We build pipelines and railroads easily enough. As your operation aims solely to benefit Germany, by opening avenues for Orenburg to ship much needed oil and gas to the Reich, such small territorial squabbles should not enter into this picture. Surely you can agree on that.”

  “I may, indeed, believe that to be suitable. But I am not Adolf Hitler. I must tell you, with equal clarity, that the Führer is in the habit of seeing his directives carried out to the letter, and his decisions are the final word on such matters, and not subject to negotiation.”

  “I see… Well, you may tell the Führer that the General Secretary of the Orenburg Federation also makes decisions and issues directives and orders, and he has just done so concerning the disposition of the Kuban District, which will be returned to the control of Orenburg immediately following the conclusion of hostilities with the Soviet forces currently operating there illegally. Allies should not be outlaws—if they wish to remain Allies.”

  Volkov smiled, upping the ante considerably by taking this hard line with Ribbentrop. He waited now to see what the Foreign Minister would say next.

  “Mister General Secretary. Would it please you to see all German forces withdraw immediately? In that instance, your own armies would be free to continue prosecuting their unsuccessful campaign against the Soviets in the Kuban. Considering it has b
een three years since the Soviet incursion, during which time not one drop of oil has arrived from Orenburg, Germany thought to settle the matter. If we are prevented from doing so effectively, it would mean even further delays in your promised oil shipments, which would, I may point out, mean that Orenburg is in default concerning the agreement to supply the Reich. If Allies wish to remain Allies, they might also look to fulfilling their promises and agreements.”

  Volkov continued to smile. “I will look forward to discussing this further after you have consulted with Berlin. Thank you for coming all this way. I know you are a very busy man, and the plane to Rostov will be leaving shortly. Good day, Mister Foreign Minister.”

  Ribbentrop stood, quietly collecting his briefcase and was soon politely escorted out. He was on that plane an hour later, a 750 mile flight to Rostov, where he would meet directly with Eric Manstein and inform him of what had been discussed before returning to Berlin.

  “Under the circumstances,” he would tell Manstein a day later, “it would be wise to set aside additional strong reserves for commitment to the Kuban region if needed there. I do not have to tell you what Berlin’s answer will be. The Führer’s directive already decided the matter when it was first issued. In fact, it was this very question that Hitler was addressing with that directive.”

  “I hope you did not tell that to Volkov,” said Manstein.

  “Of course not, but that man is not stupid. He raised the stakes with me, implying that the continuance of the alliance itself was on the table if he was not ceded control of the Kuban.”

  “That may not be too much of a price to pay for Orenburg’s continued cooperation,” said Manstein. “After all, they are tying down six to eight Soviet Armies, above and beyond those in the Kuban.”

  “Volkov may have only wished to see what my reaction would be,” said Ribbentrop, “and I was firm.”

  Manstein nodded, his mind already thinking about what more he could sent to the Kuban. Diplomats, he thought. They are always a complication where military matters are concerned. Just when I get a few Panzer divisions set aside as a reserve, they will now all be shunted off to the Caucasus. And I have little doubt that Ivan Volkov is already looking over his troop rosters as well. Once I commit my reserves there, who knows if I will ever get them back?

  Manstein was not wrong in that, for that very same day Volkov sent a message to the Commander of his 2nd and 7th Armies, telling him that he was to make reserve formations—particularly mechanized and armored units, available for transfer to the Kuban at a moment’s notice. His last question to Ribbentrop had been a deliberate test, and when he got back tit for tat instead of a polite deferral of the matter to Berlin, he realized that Ribbentrop already knew what Hitler’s response was going to be concerning the Kuban. The Germans had no plans to withdraw, and now the deployment of those paratroop units to Baba Gurgur was seen in an all new light.

  The Führer is getting thirsty for oil, he thought, and here I am facing a war with three enemies! Thus far I’ve managed to delay shipments as a lure to get the Germans to clear away the Soviet armies opposing me on the south front. Yet it seems I will just be replacing one uninvited guest with another after the Kuban campaign. That same day he summoned his Ambassador to Siberia. The man did not have to travel far, for he had already been expelled by the Siberians and he was right there in Orenburg.

  “Make a request for a formal meeting with the Siberians,” he said. “A secret request—be very discreet. I will have a draft proposal in your hands by tomorrow.”

  So the Germans want Baba Gurgur, he thought. And now I think they want Maykop as well. If I let them into the Kuban, who knows how far they will go? If push comes to shove there, they could go all the way to Baku. My forces would be no match for them. We could hold for six months, but if they have the means to reinforce this Operation Edelweiss, we would certainly lose Baku. That was where the historical Operation Edelweiss wanted to go, and for me, that foresight is most informative. Forewarned is forearmed. I must find the troops to muster a new army for the Caucasus, but at the moment, all my regular forces are tied down along the Volga—and so are many armies deployed there by Sergei Kirov.

  My, what a change would be worked if he had all those armies free to deploy elsewhere—if I had all those armies free myself. Then I think I could wipe that quiet grin off Ribbentrop’s face, for I would have the means to concentrate my forces on any one point and prevail. Then it would be the Germans who go scraping for troops to try and hold the line. Could I really mend fences with Sergei Kirov—after all these decades of opposition, and all the bitterness and blood spilled in this long civil war? And what about Vladimir Karpov and his damn Free Siberian State? Trying to approach the Soviets now might not yield results. They would demand that I immediately rescind my pact with Hitler and commit all my forces against the Germans. The situation has clearly not come to that yet.

  But the Siberians…. I need tanks, artillery, planes, and there is only so much I can do with the factories of Orenburg. Even with my generous assistance, our armor development program has a long way to go. I just don’t have the industrial capacity of the Soviets. But Sergei Kirov moved all his factories to Siberia. He’s all nice and cozy with Karpov—troops for tanks and artillery. That’s been their bread and butter together. Sergei Kirov and I may not be able to bury the hatchet, but I might still reach an accord with the Siberians, and they could give me the weapons I need in exchange for peace with me, and my pledge of support once my armies refit with new equipment. Those negotiations would not be easy, but it is worth exploring them.

  One should not ever wish to fight a two front war, he thought. While he saw his current position as a member of the Axis as very advantageous, he also knew the long term history of this war. He had done everything possible to further Germany’s war effort, but he knew that if they prevailed he would have a most dangerous neighbor on his doorstep, and one he could never hope to defeat alone. One day he would need Siberia as a friend, and it would be better if that happened before Soviet Russia was destroyed—better sooner than later.

  Enemies become friends when it suits them, and friends can become enemies at the drop of a hat….

  Chapter 32

  Operation Edelweiss would be swift and violent, not the grinding fight that many on Manstein’s staff had predicted. The Soviet formations had been on their own for many long months, receiving no new munitions or equipment from the motherland. This would make the divisions somewhat brittle, as they would be receiving few manpower replacements, and ammunition was rationed.

  On March 1st The German infantry of Fetter-Pico’s 54th Korps took Krasnoye 50 kilometers south of Rostov on the main road to Krasnodar. The 17th Panzer Division was waiting in the second wave to exploit any gains, a time honored German assault tactic. Hansen’s 11th Army was east of this town, and it threw the mountain divisions of its 44th Gibergs Korps against the line. Ott’s 52nd Infantry Korps took Belaya Glina that same day and continued to push for the vital road and rail junction city of Tikhoretsk.

  This attack kept the Yegorluk River on its shoulder, which was the demarcation line the Germans had negotiated with the forces of Orenburg. Yet lines on a map are seldom secure, even when they ran along natural barriers like the winding course of a river. It was necessary to post the 3rd Motorized Division there, which had interrupted its conversion to 3rd Panzergrenadier Division to make this deployment.

  On March 2, the Germans pushed back the Soviet 12th Army, which had only three rifle divisions and a number of ad hoc brigades. They then invested Port Katon, taking it by that evening as the Soviets reestablished their line 20 kilometers to the south. Yet it was 37th Army in the center that had taken the worst of the German attack. Three of its rifle divisions had been battered, the 146th reduced to 50% its normal establishment. The Army HQ was forced to withdraw south from Pavlovskaya to Beysug, and if those weakened rifle divisions gave way, it would compromise 12th Army’s positions on the coast.

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nbsp; It was therefore decided to abandon the long peninsula jutting west to the port of Yelsk and beyond in the interest of shortening the overall front by taking up new positions on the River Chelbas. That thin water obstacle ran from the heavy coastal lake and marshland region east to Tikhoretsk, and this withdrawal would shorten the defensive front by at least 40 kilometers.

  The Chelbas River line held until the 5th of March, when the Germans were able to close up on it and begin hammering at it with their infantry divisions. 37th Army saw its 385th Rifle Division cut off and surrounded, and on its right, the 56th Army was involved in a tough fight for the city of Tikhoretsk, where the 80th Fortress Division was bravely holding off attacks by German mountain troops. 18th Panzer had crossed the Don at Rostov two days earlier, and now it entered the battle for the city, until the Germans had the place completely surrounded. It was captured by nightfall, and the Soviets could feel their defense was slowly being eroded away. They were the lost souls that Sergei Kirov had stubbornly left in place the previous year, but the sand was running thin in the hourglass of fate where Kirov’s Soviet Armies of the Kuban were concerned.

  The withdrawals, however, had helped by compressing the front from an original 180 kilometers to about 120, so losses were offset and the actual concentration of units on the defensive front remained about the same. Yet one by one, the front line rifle divisions were wearing out. The 385th was killed in that small pocket where it was trapped. The 146th and 253rd were so disrupted, that they could not respond to Army level commands. 37th Army was, in fact, disintegrating, which left 12th Army on the coast, and 56th Army shouldering its withdrawal on the mighty Kuban River. As they continued to retreat, they would be abandoning the immobile fortress Divisions and gun forts along the major crossing points of that river—defenses that had kept Volkov’s troops at bay for years. The Germans pushed their 44th Korps down to the river north of those fortifications, and Volkov’s forces were on the south bank of the river, though they made no move to try and cross to attack. They were content to watch the Germans reduce the forts.