“The EB-52 Megafortress bomber, it has the capability of distinguishing between different vessels from such long distances?” Hou asked.
The President’s head jerked up at the mention of the Megafortress— they knew! The Chinese government knew about the Megafortress! This was the second conflict against the Chinese in which the bomber had been used, so it was not totally unexplainable—but to hear the aircraft’s nickname used so casually was a great shock to the President, who had been involved with the weapon system since its inception and had managed to keep it a closely guarded secret, even from most of the rest of the U.S. government. “I cannot discuss types of aircraft or the capabilities they may or may not have,” President Martindale responded, trying to keep his voice level and moderated. “All I can say is that the attack was accidental, and these patrol planes are being removed from the area to avoid any further accidents, in the interest of peace. We were hoping that you might have some explanation for the attack on the American frigates.”
“We removed all warships and submarines from the Quemoy Island area, Mr. President, also in the interest of peace,” Ambassador Hou said. “We do not have any explanation for this so-called torpedo attack. I can of course confirm that some naval air and air force units responded to the alert of an American invasion, and in their zeal overstepped their authority and attacked your frigates. On behalf of my country, I sincerely apologize for that attack. I have been advised that your Megafortress engaged some of our aircraft as well. A very formidable aircraft, I must admit.”
“I trust the People’s Republic of China will not seek any retaliation for this incident or any others that occurred today, and that we can work together to restore peace and stability to the region,” the President said, ignoring the remark about the Megafortress. The amount of information Hou and the Chinese had gathered during the last engagement was incredible, he thought. There was probably no way they could ever keep the Megafortress secret again.
“The People’s Republic of China shares and echoes those thoughts, Mr. President,” Ambassador Hou said warmly. “I must tell you that my country’s reconnaissance planes did make contact with the Megafortress patrol plane, but were under orders not to fire upon it after it withdrew from the area, even though it attacked the civilian ferry, attacked our defensive aircraft, and thereby caused so many deaths.” The President of the United States gave a silent laugh—only the Chinese could call an H- 6 bomber loaded with two huge anti-ship missiles “defensive.” “We will not prevent any other armed patrol planes from entering international airspace anywhere in the region, but we do ask that these modified B-52 bombers be excluded from the region, in the interest of peace. The power of these combat aircraft is a significant threat to the People’s Republic of China.”
The President was again reeling from Hou’s words. They knew about the Megafortress, all right! He was sure that soon the rest of the world would know, despite Hou’s promise to keep all this confidential. “We agree, Ambassador,” the President said. “As long as a state of war does not exist between our two countries, we will refrain from sending any heavy strike aircraft near Chinese airspace.”
“Your words are wise and strong, Mr. President,” Hou said warmly. “On behalf of my country, I thank you. In the search for peace, Mr. President, China still seeks reunification of its territories split apart from her by imperialists and rebels. The United States can play a critical role in that reunification.
“I have been authorized by my government to extend this invitation and request: Would the United States consider mediating talks between my government and the Nationalist government on Formosa, seeking complete reunification of the two Chinas by the year 2005? Like the successful talks between Britain, Portugal, and my country for return of Hong Kong and Macau, the United States could act as honest broker for the glorious reunification of China, while still preserving the economic strength and ideological diversity of the Nationalist movement. Will you do it, Mr. President? Will you consider President Jiang’s request?”
“I’m honored, Mr. Ambassador, but as you know, I have already announced our intention of recognizing the Republic of China as an independent and sovereign nation,” President Martindale said. “In our view, the Republic of China has established a strong and viable democratic government and society, equal to that of any nation in Asia, and therefore has earned the chance to grow and develop as an independent nation. I don’t wish to offend the People’s Republic of China, but I am prepared to support Taiwan’s right to become independent. I hope that your country would recognize the reality of this situation and peacefully come to terms with President Lee. ”
“With the support of the United States, we are prepared to do just that, sir,” Hou said. “We understand that you must still repeal the Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and seek ratification of the proposal by your senate. The government of the People’s Republic of China humbly asks that you simply attach an addendum to your proposal, agreeing in principle only to the notion of the people of Chinese Taipei seeking autonomy until the laws of the People’s Republic of China can be liberalized, but fully endorsing the goal of reuniting the two Chinas by the year 2005. You would then have no need to expend political capital in repealing an existing law, and you ensure the support of your senate by seeking a worthy and satisfying goal, one that has already been endorsed by most of the world’s national leaders.”
“I will take that idea under advisement, Mr. Ambassador,” the President said. “Thank you for your time and assistance. Good night, Mr. Ambassador.” Hou was still thanking Martindale profusely for his time and patience when the President hung up. The President took a deep breath, then a sip of coffee. “Well, either Hou was a very convincing bullshitter or one sincere Chinese. They admitted they screwed the pooch.”
“They admitted they overreacted, but they didn’t admit they were wrong or not responsible,” Freeman pointed out. “I still think they’re too easy going about all this. Hundreds of Chinese citizens and soldiers were just killed, supposedly by Taiwanese and American sneak attacks, and their ambassador is apologizing? Doesn’t feel right to me.”
“Still think it’s a setup, Phil?” the President asked. “Still think China started it all, hoping to start an invasion?”
“As far as would the PRC risk attacking their own ships just to force a showdown with Taiwan?” He paused for a moment, then said, “I won’t speculate. I suppose it’s possible ...”
Admiral Balboa shook his head and gave a sound of disagreement that sounded like an exasperated snort. Balboa was shorter and not as lean or athletic as Freeman, but he compensated for a lack of stature with an animated, expressive, restless demeanor that could not be ignored. He said, “Ex-cuse me, General Freeman, but in my opinion, it’s ridiculous to suggest that the Chinese would shoot four torpedoes at its own warships just to hope to provoke Taiwan into starting a war. I think we can rule that idea out.”
“Fm not ruling anything out, Admiral,” Freeman said, “but Til agree, it’s pretty unlikely. But this incident is only ninety minutes old. It’s just too early to know anything. Everything that Mr. Plank said rings true with me, tells me that perhaps the Chinese set this whole thing up.”
“Like you said, General,” Balboa interjected, “the invasion plans on Matsu were in place and well known for over a year. Taiwan’s been threatening to sink that carrier if it ever entered the Formosa Strait. None of this is a big surprise.”
“Well, the press has latched on to this incident like it’s the beginning of World War Three,” the President said irritably. He glanced at his watch, then looked at Jerrod Hale, his chief of staff. “Jer, have Chuck work up a media point paper for me for tonight. I want it made clear that I view these incidents with great concern, and I make myself available at any time to assist in negotiations for peace. I’m calling for a cessation of all hostilities in the Formosa Strait immediately.”
“You may want to consider a line acknowledging our culpability in the esc
alation of this conflict, sir,” Hale said. “We can’t kill a hundred civilians and then say, ‘Everyone, back off or else.’ ”
“I don’t want it to look like I’m the one that started it all, either, Jerrod.”
“I’d consider mentioning the call from Ambassador Hou, the pledge of cooperation, and your pledge to remove all armed patrol aircraft from the region,” Hale said. “You’re going to come under tough scrutiny anyway—now’s not the time to be evasive.”
“You’re right. Let’s set up a press conference for tomorrow morning.” The President turned to Robert Plank and asked, “What’s China’s military up to these days, Bob? They’ve been pretty quiet over the past few weeks, haven’t they?”
“Quiet, except of course for this carrier group that they claim just got attacked by Taiwan,” Plank replied. “It’s incredible to me how much the balance of power shifts when that carrier relocates—it’s the biggest warship and most powerful battle group in the South China Sea region. Its escorts are considered third-rate, but the carrier group represents a significant threat to the entire region. The South China Sea belongs to China now.”
“I think that’s a little premature, Bob,” Freeman interjected. Director of Central Intelligence Robert Plank was another one of President Martindale’s political supporters, a partner in a prestigious Atlanta law firm before cochairing the President’s election committee and running the campaign in the strategically important southeastern states. Plank knew little about politics and nothing about running an intelligence bureau. To his credit, he knew people, he knew international law, and he knew how to manage a team and manage a crisis. But in Philip Freeman’s eyes, Plank was pretty much disengaged from the everyday business of the intelligence game and really put his skills to work only in tight situations.
“The Agency has their best team on the case,” Plank said to the President, ignoring Freeman. “I can have someone brief you on China’s specific military standing.”
“What’s China’s next move, Bob?” the President asked.
“I think they’ll sit and wait, hope this blows over, keep the pressure on Taiwan and us, and see what we’ll do about it,” Plank replied. “I see no reason whatsoever to get excited over yet another shoving match between the two Chinas.”
“This is not a damned ‘shoving match,’ Bob—the Chinese brought nukes into the region and used them against Quemoy!” Freeman retorted.
“I think there’s a power play going on in the Central Military Commission, and the nukes were not Jiang’s idea,” Plank said earnestly. “The dispersal of the Chinese carrier battle force, after spending so much time and money in assembling it, is proof that whoever came up with the nuke idea has been discredited. It would be a mistake, in my estimation, to escalate this thing any further by any overt actions on our part. We should definitely exclude the modified B-52 things from the area. B-52s have always had a very negative connotation—as in ‘doomsday,’ as in ‘global thermonuclear war.’ ”
“I agree,” Balboa interjected. “Things have been messed up pretty good with the Megafortress fiasco. But we need a presence in the Strait— we needed it two weeks ago, but now we need it more than ever. The Independence is fired up and ready to depart Yokosuka—I suggest we let it head down the Strait to assist the Duncan and ]ames Daniel. It was supposed to be in Hong Kong for Reunification Day ceremonies, but I don’t think that’s a good idea now, for obvious reasons. The Vice President was supposed to be in Hong Kong for Reunification Day—is she still planning on attending the carrier rendezvous?”
“As far as I’m aware, she’s still on,” the President said. He turned to his national security advisor. “Phil? You agree with the plan to send the carrier into the Strait now?”
Freeman hesitated—which angered Balboa, although he kept silent. Finally: “Sir, the only problem in this whole thing is that I feel we’re being led around by the nose by the PRC,” Freeman said. “I smell a setup. Perhaps we should wait until Director Plank has a chance to investigate the incidents further before we send Independence into the area.”
“Always gotta be the odd man out, don’t you, General? ” Balboa asked with undisguised exasperation. “With all due respect, General, I think it’s you that’s being led around by the nose—not by the PRC, but by Elliott, McLanahan, and Samson. We gave them a shot, and they couldn’t come through, thanks to Elliott. If things get really hairy for the Independence, we can triple-team China with all three carriers—the Washington will be on station in a few days, and Carl Vinson will be right behind it.”
“We should continue air patrols over the Strait—”
“We can send the P-3s out of Misawa or the S-2s shore-based at At- sugi,” Balboa said. “If things get out of hand, we can send in F/A-18 Hornet fighter-bombers out of Okinawa. I think we can count on the Navy guys to simply observe, and not start, World War Three over there. U.S. presence should be a major stabilizing influence in Asia, not a destabilizing one.”
Balboa was the definition of interservice bigotry, the President decided, but now was not the time to argue about any lack of objectivity he might be displaying. “Philip, anything else?” the President asked. When Freeman had no reply, he continued, “Have Defense draw up a plan of action; I want the Independence moving as soon as possible. Don’t delay getting whatever help is needed for the frigates, but I want it known that Independence is going there to assist in recovery efforts only.” He paused for a moment, then added, “Just for my own peace of mind, Admiral—none of our carriers carry any nuclear weapons, right?”
“Absolutely not, Mr. President,” Balboa said. “All special weapons— nuclear, biological, and chemical—were removed from all Navy warships except ballistic missile submarines at least five years ago. None exist in the surface fleet.”
“Not even pieces of one? No nuclear components?” the President asked. It was a well-known fact that the U.S. government “fudged” information on nuclear weapons aboard Navy vessels to bypass a country’s “nuclear-free” policy by simply dismantling the weapons on board, so technically there were only “nuclear components” on board, not “nuclear weapons.”
“No nuclear components either, sir,” Balboa said. “Of course, we still have nuclear delivery components in the field—aircraft, missiles, et cetera—but I can certify to you that we have no nuclear weapons or nuclear weapon components in the field at this time.”
“Good—because you will have to certify it, in writing,” the President said. “Make your commanders do it, too.”
“The security review that you ordered was completed on both Sky Masters, Inc., and the Megafortress project office at Edwards Air Force Base—all clean,” Freeman interjected. “No special weapons have been detected, no special-weapon delivery subsystems have been installed or ordered or designed.”
“Good—I want that report in writing as well, Philip,” the President said. “Next, Admiral Balboa, get together with the Chiefs and Secretary Chastain and put the Megafortresses back in mothballs. Get them off Guam and back in the States soonest. We gave them a try, and it didn’t work. Then get together with Naval Investigative Services and the Justice Department and start an investigation on those missile launches and the attack on the Chinese ferry. We might have to sacrifice some heads to show the world we’re not on the warpath.”
Admiral Balboa’s smile was unabashedly broad and self-satisfying. “Yes, sir, ” he said with undisguised enthusiasm. “Til take care of that embarrassing mess right away.”
Balboa’s anxiousness to start tearing at Elliott was a little unnerving, but the President let it go—it was time for Balboa to retake charge of his military forces, and time for the President to back off and stop micromanaging the military. He asked, “Status of the Strategic Command stand-up?”
“All of the Combined Task Forces are fully manned and ready to move when you give the word, sir,” Balboa said. “Of course, the CTFs agree that we see no reason right now to gain any nuclear assets whatsoever. C
INCPAC is still in command of the Pacific-China theater. If we identify a target in Asia, CINCPAC should gain whatever resources he wants to handle it.”
“Fine,” the President said. “I agree with them—we don’t need any nuclear forces unless China tries to make another move using nuclear weapons. But I don’t think we’ll see any more of that. Give me a report from CINCPAC tomorrow afternoon.”
Jerrod Hale had picked up the phone again to answer another call. The President noticed Hale’s silent, almost expressionless signal. “Anything else for me, Admiral?”
Balboa was in mid-sip. He swallowed, looking expectantly at the President, then at Hale, then back again. “No, sir.”
“Thank you, and good night,” the President said, curtly dismissing him. Hale bent over to talk quietly with the President, effectively isolating the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Balboa blinked in surprise, put down his cup of coffee with an irritated clatter of china, and departed. After Balboa departed, the President sighed aloud. “Senator Finegold— already? She couldn’t even wait until morning?”
“You don’t need to take this call, Kevin,” Hale said. “You’re busy handling the crisis. I’ll tell Finegold that we’ll brief the leadership before we issue any statements to the press.”
President Martindale sighed heavily, rubbing the dull ache developing in his temples. He knew he should talk with Finegold; he knew that, if he didn’t, the first thing she was going to do in the morning was get on the network morning shows, complain about not getting briefed in a timely manner by the White House, then put her own ridiculous spin on the developments. Without hesitating any longer, he hit the button on the phone: “Hello, Senator.”
“Thank you so much for taking my call, Mr. President,” Senator Barbara Finegold responded. “I’m sorry for interrupting you—I know how busy you must be right now. ”
“I’m afraid there’s not much I can tell you right now, Senator,” the President said cautiously. “The facts are that two Navy frigates were hit by Chinese submarine and air attacks in the Formosa Strait, and one of our patrol planes accidentally attacked a Chinese ferry. I don’t have any independent confirmation on any other incidents over there.”
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