by Jim Marrs
It is interesting to note that throughout the war, Chase maintained its financial connections with the Nazis through its Paris bank. Further, I. G. Farben chief Hermann Schmitz served as Chase president for seven years prior to the war. According to Manning, “Schmitz’s wealth—largely I. G. Farben bearer bonds converted to the Big Three successor firms, shares in Standard Oil of New Jersey (equal to those held by the Rockefellers), General Motors, and other U.S. blue chip industrial stocks, and the 700 secret companies controlled in his time by I. G. [Farben], as well as shares in the 750 corporations he helped Bormann establish during the last years of World War II—has increased in all segments of the modern industrial world. The Bormann organization in South America utilizes the voting power of the Schmitz trust along with their own assets to guide the multinationals they control, as they keep steady the economic course of the Fatherland.”
After the war, twenty-four lower I. G. Farben executives stood trial at Nuremberg for crimes against humanity, including the building and maintenance of concentration camps and the use of slave labor. Schmitz was convicted of war crimes in 1948 at Nuremberg, but served a mere two years in prison, although it was under Schmitz’s leadership that the giant chemical combine produced and distributed the notorious Zyklon-B gas, used for human extermination in Nazi concentration camps.
Regarding the relationship between Schmitz and Martin Bormann, Manning wrote: “Their association was close and trusting over the years, and it is the considered opinion of those in their circle that the wealth possessed by Hermann Schmitz was shifted to Switzerland and South America, and placed in trust with Bormann, the legal heir to Hitler.”
These long-standing banking and business connections coupled with the Schmitz business network allowed Reichsleiter Martin Bormann to forge a formidable Nazi-controlled organization for postwar activities. The late Jim Keith, author of several conspiracy books, wrote, “[I]n researching the shape of totalitarian control during this century, I saw that the plans of the Nazis manifestly did not die with the German loss of World War II. The ideology and many of the principal players survived and flourished after the war, and have had a profound impact on postwar history, and on events taking place today.”
Interestingly enough, the Nazis’ attempt at central control through the economic sector produced the early stages of a united Europe so sought by Hitler.
AFTER THE WAR, a devastated Europe looked to Germany for economic leadership. The economic steps taken that became the Common Market took the shape of prewar Nazi plans. “[S]omehow the Germans had the answer originally in 1942 when they were melding the economic institutions of the Continent into their own design,” noted Manning.
It is interesting to note that the present European Union (EU) began as merely economic measures. From this reasonable beginning as a trade organization, the Common Market evolved into the European Union, a supranational and intergovernmental body with tendrils into all aspects of European life. In 1950, French foreign minister Robert Schuman proposed the joint management of the French and West German coal and steel industries. This “Schuman Declaration,” ratified by the 1951 Treaty of Paris, was the first step toward what Winston Churchill termed a “United States of Europe.”
The 1951 treaty between Belgium, France, Italy, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, and West Germany provided for the shared production of coal and steel. It was thought that this mutual endeavor would ensure against another war between these nations. It also could be seen as a means of consolidating the Nazi business holdings of the Bormann organization.
The European Economic Community, better known as the Common Market, was established in 1957 by the Treaty of Rome, signed by the same nations as in 1951. George McGhee, a member of the secretive Bilderberg Group and former U.S. ambassador to West Germany, acknowledged that “the Treaty of Rome, which brought the Common Market into being, was nurtured at Bilderberg meetings.”
Again, the Common Market was styled as merely a step toward equalizing trade balances and tariffs. But with the 1992 signing of the Treaty Establishing the European Community, popularly known as the Maastricht Treaty, the word “Economic” was deleted from both the treaty and the community. By 2000, the European Union was composed of various economic, political, and judicial institutions including the European Central Bank, the European Parliament, the European Court of Justice, and a unified European currency, the Euro.
The 1942 Nazi vision of a unified Europe had become a reality.
BUT IF THE reality of the Nazi vision of a united Europe appeared to signal success for the emerging Fourth Reich, nothing showed more success than the seeds that had been sown in the postwar United States.
In the postwar period, FDR Democrats, who looked favorably on federal social and economic controls, were firmly in the pocket of the global corporate elite, although there was a small problem with President Harry S. Truman, who was never fully under their command. So Truman, like Jimmy Carter, was elected to only one term. The real problem lay with the Republicans, longtime supporters of less government and more economic freedom.
One willing accomplice of the globalist/Nazi nexus was an obscure Republican politician from California. According to authors John Loftus and Mark Aarons, “When Truman was reelected in 1948, [future President Richard M.] Nixon became Allen Dulles’s mouthpiece in Congress. Both he and Senator Joseph McCarthy received volumes of classified information to support the charge that the Truman administration was filled with ‘pinkos.’ When McCarthy went too far in his Communist investigations, it was Nixon who worked with his next-door neighbor, CIA director Walter Bedell Smith, to steer the investigations away from the intelligence community [and the Nazis].” “The partnership between Allen Dulles and Richard Nixon was truly a Faustian bargain, but it is hard to tell just who is Faust and who is Mephistopheles in the scenario,” wrote Peter Levenda.
Nixon, who joined the Council on Foreign Relations in 1961 but resigned in 1965 after his membership became a campaign issue, got an initial boost to his political career by befriending a Nazi named Nicolae Malaxa. A Romanian who was a former business partner of Nazi Luftwaffe chief Hermann Goering, Malaxa had belonged to Baron Otto von Bolschwing’s Gestapo network, as had his associate, Valerian Trifa, who was then living in Detroit. Both were members of the Nazi Iron Guard in Romania and had fled prosecution for their role in the deaths of many Jews. Their common interest was in Richard Nixon, who was elected vice president in 1952.
In late 1946, Nixon’s influence, along with that of the Dulles brothers, freed Malaxa’s money frozen in Chase National Bank during the war. The Treasury Department official whose firm won Malaxa’s case to release the money was the same man who froze these assets in the first place. “Such interrelationships were very common between émigré Fascists and the right wing of the American establishment,” noted Loftus and Aarons.
According to the late Mae Brussell, a California conspiracy researcher and hostess of the World Watchers International radio program, Trifia came to the United States with the help of the opportunistic Baron von Bolschwing, an early member of the Nazi Party and highly placed intelligence operative. Malaxa had escaped from Europe with more than $200 million in U.S. dollars. In America, following the retrieval of his frozen assets, Malaxa gained another $200 million from Chase Manhattan Bank. The legalities were handled by the Dulles brothers’ law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell. “Undersecretary of State Adolph Berle, who had helped Nixon and star witness Whittaker Chambers convict Alger Hiss, personally testified on Malaxa’s behalf before a congressional subcommittee on immigration,” noted Brussell.
A company called Western Tube was another effort to further help Malaxa. In 1951, Nixon introduced a private bill in Congress, which would have allowed Malaxa to remain in the United States despite provisions of the Displaced Persons Act, which prohibited persons with Fascist backgrounds. When this effort failed, Malaxa pretended to create Western Tube, which manufactured a seamless tube that he claimed was vital to the Korean War effort. Loftus
and Aarons reported, “He set up his company in Nixon’s hometown of Whittier, California, and registered it in the same building as the law firm of Bewley, Kroop & Nixon. Nixon’s former law partner, Thomas Bewley, was secretary of Malaxa’s company, and the vice president was another Nixon crony.” They added that Western Tube never made any tubes. “The company was used to evade millions of dollars’ worth of taxes and then dissolved,” they noted.
It was the $2 million fee Nixon received from Malaxa that funded his successful election campaign for Congress. “In 1946 Nixon had gotten a call from Herman L. Perry asking if he wanted to run for Congress against Rep. Jerry Voorhis. Perry later became president of Western Tube,” wrote Mae Brussell.
In 1952, in spite of being granted permanent resident status in the United States, Malaxa moved from Whittler to Argentina, where he joined Argentine dictator Juan Peron and Hitler’s chief commando Otto Skorzeny in profitable business dealings with the network created by Martin Bormann and Allen Dulles.
Meanwhile, ranking Republicans were abetting the influx of Nazis. Elmer Holmes Bobst of Warner-Lambert Pharmaceutical, described as “a mentor and father figure” to Nixon, was a power behind Nixon’s 1960 presidential campaign. Bobst was a close associate of Otto von Bolschwing, head of the Gestapo network that included Malaxa and Trifia. “In preparation for the 1952 Eisenhower-Nixon campaign, the Republicans formed an Ethnic Division, which, to put it bluntly, recruited the ‘displaced Fascists’ who arrived in the United States after World War II,” wrote Loftus and Aarons.
To mask the wave of Nazis flooding into the United States and to gain tighter federal control over Americans, the prewar specter of the Communist Menace was resurrected. A quick look at America’s reaction to liberation movements in postwar Europe demonstrates the hypocrisy of the often-stated Eisenhower-era Republican policies to “roll back communism.”
In 1953, half a million citizens of the so-called German Democratic Republic (GDR) staged a revolt against the East German regime, only to be violently suppressed by troops and tanks. No further large-scale demonstrations were to take place in East Germany until 1989, the year before the GDR ceased to exist.
Three years later, Polish workers attempted their own rebellion against the Communist regime. Widespread violence was only averted after China’s Mao Tse-tung convinced Russian Premier Nikita Khrushchev to allow Polish Communist Wladyslaw Gomulka to assume authority and institute reforms in Poland.
In late October 1956, the people of Hungary spontaneously rose up against their Soviet occupiers, many in response to broadcasts of support by the BBC, Radio Free Europe, and the Voice of America. Put off-guard by initial offers of compromise by the Russians, the Hungarians were unprepared for the full-scale military assault on Budapest on November 4. Thousands were killed and an estimated two hundred thousand fled the country. This Soviet show of force maintained their control over central Europe and also perpetuated the idea that Communism was monolithic and irresistible.
In discussing three books on the failed Hungarian Revolution—Twelve Days by Victor Sebestyen, Failed Illusions by Charles Gati, and Journey to a Revolution by Michael Korda—New York Times book reviewer Jacob Heilbrunn noted, “Despite promiscuous pledges to roll back Communism, President Dwight Eisenhower and Secretary of State John Foster Dulles had no intention of rolling back anything. In a National Security Council meeting, Vice President Richard Nixon even stated that a Soviet invasion would not be an unmixed evil for the West, as it would bolster the alliance against Communism.”
CHAPTER 10
KENNEDY AND THE NAZIS
MOST AMERICAN LEADERS THROUGHOUT THE COLD WAR COULD only see the danger of international communism. One exception may have been President John F. Kennedy, who warned of the dangers of unnecessary secrecy and secret societies such as Skull and Bones, the Council on Foreign Relations, and the Bilderberg Group. “The very word ‘secrecy’ is repugnant in a free and open society; and we are as a people inherently and historically opposed to secret societies, to secret oaths, and to secret proceedings,” Kennedy said in a 1961 address to the American Newspaper Publishers Association.
Kennedy was the first American president born in the twentieth century and was one of the best-educated, having graduated from Harvard cum laude. The book that first made him a public figure was the best-seller Why England Slept, a treatise on prewar British-German diplomacy. This work showed clearly that Kennedy had a keen understanding not only of geopolitics but of the behind-the-scenes machinations of the globalists.
Interestingly enough, his political career may have come about because of his relationship with an alleged Nazi spy. Early in World War II, the FBI suspected Inga Arvad—a former Miss Denmark, who had attended the wedding of Germany’s Field Marshal Hermann Goering and met with Adolf Hitler—of being a Nazi spy. After eavesdropping on her, agents determined that one of her visitors was Naval Ensign John F. Kennedy, then working for Naval Intelligence in Washington. After both the navy and his father had been alerted to the danger presented by Kennedy’s involvement with a suspected agent, young Kennedy was quickly transferred to the South Pacific. It was there that he led the survivors of PT-109 to safety, thus becoming a war hero and launching his political career toward the presidency—all thanks to the diligent J. Edgar Hoover.
IN 1960, RICHARD Nixon was expected to be the next president of the United States. Corporate America’s hopes were crushed when John F. Kennedy managed to win the closest election to that time.
Corporate heads and their Nazi backers must have been mollified to know that Kennedy was being guided by his father, Joseph P. Kennedy, a pro-Nazi sympathizer. But in December 1961, Joseph Kennedy suffered a stroke that left him totally incapacitated. His son now held the nation’s highest office with no real control over him.
By mid-1963, Kennedy was beginning to exert his autonomous influence over the most powerful—and violent—groups in U.S. society. He was threatening to disband the CIA, the homebase of many Nazis; withdraw U.S. troops from South Vietnam; close the tax breaks of the oil-depletion allowance; tighten control over the tax-free foreign assets of U.S. multinational corporations, many with connections to the Bormann empire; and decrease the power of both Wall Street and the Federal Reserve System. In June 1963, Kennedy actually ordered the printing and release of $4.2 billion in United States Notes, paper money issued through the Treasury Department without paying interest to the Federal Reserve System, which is composed of twelve regional banks all controlled by private banks whose owners often are non-Americans.
Obviously, persons affected by these moves felt that something had to be done.
Today, most people agree that the assassination of President Kennedy was the result of a conspiracy, the full details of which are still not known due to a cover-up at the highest levels of the federal government.
It is fascinating to note that the connections between Kennedy’s death and Nazi-connected persons, groups, and firms are many and well documented. The CIA, which had passed hundreds of millions of dollars to the Nazi Gehlen Organization, has long been fingered as a major player in the assassination. Operatives such as future Watergate burglars E. Howard Hunt and Frank Sturgis; CIA officer Desmond FitzGerald; mobster Johnny Roselli; Cuban minister Dr. Rolando Cubela; defrocked New Orleans priest David Ferrie; and anti-Castro Cubans Carlos Bringuier, Orlando Bosch, and Carlos Prio Soccaras all played roles in the CIA/intelligence mix surrounding the assassination.
But more pointedly, George DeMohrenschildt, a Dallas oil geologist who was the last known close friend to accused assassin Lee Harvey Oswald, began his intelligence career as a Nazi agent. According to one CIA document, DeMohrenschildt had applied to work for U.S. intelligence as far back as 1942 but was turned down because he was a Nazi espionage agent. His cousin, Baron Constantine Maydell, was one of the top Nazi intelligence agents in North America and, after the war, was recruited into the Gehlen Organization to direct the CIA’s Russian émigré programs.
At t
he same time DeMohrenschildt was befriending Oswald in Dallas and introducing him to the White Russian émigré community there, in which the Gehlen Organization was well represented, he was in close contact with his friend J. Walter Moore, an agent of the CIA’s Domestic Contacts Division. In 1957, following a trip to Yugoslavia, according to CIA documents, DeMohrenschildt provided the agency with “foreign intelligence which was promptly disseminated to other federal agencies in ten separate reports.”
Oswald’s other close associates in Dallas just prior to the assassination were Ruth and Michael Paine. Oswald’s wife was staying in the Paine home at the time of the assassination and it was Ruth Paine, a woman with CIA connections, who got Oswald his job at the Texas School Book Depository. And Dallas police found incriminating photos—Oswald claimed they were fabricated—of Oswald in Mrs. Payne’s garage, holding a rifle authorities identified as the assassination weapon. Her husband worked for Bell Aerospace Corporation in Hurst, Texas, later Bell Helicopter, where Paperclip Nazi Walter Dornberger was a vice president. “Paine’s boss at Bell Aircraft, as director of research and development, was none other than the notorious war criminal General Walter Dornberger,” stated Brussell.
Oswald’s own connections to the CIA are well documented—his training at Japan’s Atsugi base, which housed a large CIA facility, his incredible ability to speak fluent Russian despite lack of evidence of language lessons, testimony of his CIA employment by fellow marines and a former CIA paymaster, his ease in obtaining U.S. passports, his use of the word “microdots” in his diary, and his possession of a miniature Minox “spy” camera with a serial number proving it was not commercially available in America.
The most often pointed out, and controversial, evidence of the involvement of both Nazi mentality and actual Nazis in Kennedy’s assassination can be found in a treatise passed around for years under the name “Torbitt Document” or “Nomenclature of an Assassination Cabal.” This document first appeared under the pen name of William Torbitt but was actually written by a Texas attorney named David Copeland. Copeland told this author he had received the information from friends in both the FBI and the Secret Service. Based on this information, Torbitt/Copeland spent considerable effort searching for evidence to support the paper’s thesis.