Eager for Glory
Page 13
The Romans conceptualised the world and its populations in terms of climate and location. The people of Africa lived under an intense sun, their lands dry, so they were hot blooded and their skin burned. The northern people lived in cold and wet climes, surrounded by swamps and forests and therefore their cultures were dull and primitive. Thus Tacitus described the landscape of the Germani nations:
Their land, notwithstanding considerable local diversities, as a rule consists of tangled forests and dismal swamps, the rainfall being greater on the side towards Gallia, while the side facing Noricum and Pannonia is more exposed to winds. It is fairly fertile, though fruit trees do not flourish, and it is good grazing country, but the cattle are usually stunted; our fine powerful oxen with their spreading horns are positively unknown; their pride is in large herds, which constitute their sole and most highly prized form of wealth. Silver and gold the gods have denied them, but whether in mercy or anger I hesitate to say.81
The people too reflected this harsh environment, which inclined them to inactivity:
This is why, extraordinarily numerous as the Germani are, they all possess the same physical characteristics – fierce blue eyes, red hair, and large frames which are good only for a spurt; they certainly have not a corresponding power of endurance for hard work, while, although inured by the nature of their climate and soil to hunger and cold, they have never learnt to support heat and thirst.82
The Germanic people did not constitute a unified nation. They did not even call themselves Germani – that was a Roman term coined for them by Poseidonios (Posidonius) of Apameia (c.135–51 BCE) and popularised by Iulius Caesar in his Commentarii de Bello Gallico (Commentaries on the Gallic War).83The word derived from the Latin germanus, meaning ‘of the same parents’ as in a brother and sister, but it also meant ‘genuine’ or ‘true’. It was as though Poseidonius and Caesar were labelling them ‘not like us, but all related to each other’.84They were discrete tribes made up of clans and families, some sharing common ethnic groups, languages, histories, traditions and customs. Some appear to have been settled, while others were migrants who invaded the settled rural communities, often displacing them.85The smaller mobile warrior bands sometimes came together to form larger coalitions, such as the migrant Suebi or Suevi, the oldest of whom were reportedly the Semnones, and their neighbours the Langobardi, Hermunduri, Marcommani and many others.86The names by which the nations are known survive only in Roman accounts so we cannot even be sure the names are accurate. According to the accounts of Caesar and Tacitus, they were generally independent minded, preferring to live in small villages and farmsteads rather than towns.87Archaeology suggests the settled Germanic nations lived close to rivers and like-social groups clustered together but separated from other different tribes.88They were not animal skin-wearing primitives, as the Roman stereotype suggests, however. They knew how to make textiles and work leather. Fighting was a way of life, however, both as a matter of pride through prowess in the use of weapons, but also a means of gaining status among peers and maintaining group cohesion and identity.89They elected leaders to lead war bands and raids, but many tribes did not tolerate the rule of hereditary kings.90A leader or king might build around him a circle of retainers and it was through successful raids that he kept them wealthy and loyal.91The epicentre of their homeland was beyond the Rhine River, but there were some nations Caesar labeled Germani Cisrhenani who also lived on the left bank of the great river that divided barbarian from civilised Roman and which he chose as the limit to his conquests.92
The political map of Germania Magna was thus fragmented and unstable. The contemporary geographer Strabo commented that different peoples at different times would grow powerful, strike out at their neighbors, then sue for peace, exchange hostages, grow restless and rebel, betraying both their word and the hostages they had exchanged.93Germani could not be trusted, if only because they did not trust each other. In the eyes of the Roman elites, the Germanic people were nothing more than latrones, bandits, and their raids into Roman territory annoying cases of criminal banditry (latronicum).94“Robberies which are committed beyond the boundaries of each state”, wrote Caesar, “bear no infamy, and they avow that these are committed for the purpose of disciplining their youth and of preventing sloth”.95Little wonder the people of Tres Galliae lived with the constant fear of unwelcome visits by their neighbours from over the Rhine. In Augustus’ new world order, this kind of behaviour on the borderlands could not be tolerated. The logical solution would lie in making Romans of the barbarians. However, the matter of outright annexation and assimilation raised deep concerns. “No man would think of abandoning Asia”, wrote Tacitus, “or Africa or Italia and seeking a home in Germania, with its dreary aspect and its social gloom, if it were not his native place”.96
While touring Tres Galliae and its emerging civitates, Augustus probably visited the Rhine frontier in Belgica with Tiberius by his side and consulted local dignitaries and military men to refine elements of the nascent campaign plan.97Tiberius had proved a capable soldier and brought his own independent views to the formative discussion. However, his eldest stepson was only in command of the legions in the region for a little over a year before the Alpine and Norican Wars interrupted his tour of duty when he was sent to assist Drusus. Since the beginning of 14 BCE Tiberius was back in the thick of politics and destined to serve his first term as consul in Rome the following year so it now fell solely upon the shoulders of 24-year old Drusus to oversee the execution of the tactical plan: the deployment and provisioning of the army, the construction of infrastructure, assembly of matériel and forging of alliances, and finally to timing.98However, with only a single combat season under his belt, he was still a novice, albeit a successful one. That Augustus remained in the region suggests he took an active interest in coaching Drusus and would stay until he was confident his youngest stepson was ready to proceed without him.
Under Drusus’ direct command there were probably seven legions – XIII Gemina, XIV Gemina and XVI Gallica supplemented by the I Germanica, V Alaudae, XVII, XVIII and XIX he had taken over from Tiberius – and an unknown number of auxiliary units, perhaps among them units of the new cohortes Alpinorum, Ligurum and Raetorum.99The immediate task was to move them to new locations along the Rhine. In 14 BCE several were scattered across Reschen Pass, western Austria, Bavaria – such as Legio XIX at Döttenbichl in Oberammergau – and Switzerland. Legio XXI Rapax, whose nickname means ‘predator’, remained in Raetia or Vindelicia for the time being to provide an ongoing military presence, but VIIII Hispana and possibly cohorts from XIII Gemina and all of XIV Gemina appear to have headed east with Tiberius to Pannonia or Illyricum. The main military presence at that time on the Rhine was likely at Oppidum Ubiorum close by the resettled Germans.100There was also a small fort at Neuss – called ‘Neuss A’ by archaeologists and dated to 16–12 BCE.101Neuss A may have been constructed in the wake of the invasion led by Maelo of the Sugambri and his alliance partners by Legio V Alaudae to gather military intelligence about the activities of the Germanic tribes across the Rhine River or to provide an early warning system.102The fort was irregular in shape with a double ditch, but curiously no rampart, enclosing an area of 6.5 hecatres.103Significantly, the fort was connected to Lugdunum by road down the Erft River to Beda Vicus (Bitburg), thence through Augusta Treverorum (Trier) to Divodurum (Metz), on to Andemantunnum (Langres) before finally reaching the provincial capital.104
Drusus now set out to dominate the river by controlling lines of communication and trade.105Florus states that he established over fifty military bases (castella) on the river, though archaeology has failed so far to reveal this number of sites.106He specifically mentions bridges (pontes) being constructed at Borma or Bonna (Bonn?) and Gesoriacum (Boulogne?) and that Drusus “left fleets (classes) to protect them”.107Six new legionary fortresses were built at key strategic points along the lower and middle Rhine at Fectio (Vechten), Batavodurum (Nijmegen), Vetera (Xanten), Novaesium (N
euss), Oppidum Ubiorum (Cologne) and Mogontiacum (Mainz).108A military road connected the bases to facilitate the movement of men and matériel. Several smaller forts, presumably for auxiliary units, were constructed contemporaneously or slightly later along this road at Andernach, Argentorate (Strasbourg), Asciburgium (Moers Asberg), Bingen, Bonna (Bonn), Castellum apud Confluentes (Koblenz), Speyer, and Urmitz.109The locations of the fortresses suggest the region had been well surveyed by the Romans and that they were not picked at random. On the contrary they were very carefully chosen and intended to be the embarkation points for invasion routes into Germania and it is reasonable to assume that Augustus and Drusus had a major role in picking them. From Fectio and Batavodurum, the army could approach from the west, moving east towards the Ems River (Amisia) and then to the Weser River (Visurgis). From its bases further along the Rhine, the army could follow its tributaries reaching first the Weser River and then the Elbe River. From Vetera the Roman army could thrust into Germania Magna following the course of the Lippe River (Lupia). From Novaesium there was potential for a thrust up the Ruhr River (Rura). From Oppidum Ubiorum, Roman forces could go north to the Ruhr or march south to the Sieg River. From Mogontiacum the army could move along the Main River (Moenus) and then cross by land to the Saal River (Sala), a tributary of the Elbe. In each case the land army could be provisioned from supplies transported by rivercraft.
The most southerly fortress of the new offensive Rhine infrastructure was Mogontiacum, built on a 40 metre (131 feet) high bluff. The installation took its name from the god Mogon of the local Germanic Vangiones nation who had settled on the left bank.110Several ramparts and ditches have been exacated in the modern era though it is difficult to form a plan from them of the fortress of Drusus’ time.111Two legions may have shared the camp, possibly Legiones XIV Gemina and XVI Gallica. Another military installation has been identified at Weisenau, about 3.5 kilometres (11.5 feet) south of the presumed legionary based at Mogontiacum.112It was sited on an escarpment overlooking the Rhine River. About 2 kilometres (1.2 miles) downstream of the winter camp, at Dimesser Ort, was a harbour. Great numbers of amphorae, the large two-handled pottery jars used in the Roman era for shipping dried fruits, grain, wine, oil and fish sauce (garum), as well as quantities of the waxy red terra sigillata ware that took pride of place on a Roman’s dinner table, have been found there.113
Some 200 kilometers (124 miles) further down river, lay Oppidum Ubiorum. It was the marketplace of the Ubii nation founded when Agrippa granted them sanctuary on the Roman side of the Rhine in 39/38 BCE or 20/19 BCE.114It was fast developing into an affluent commercial centre exploiting both its geographical location on the Rhine and its trading connections in Germania Libera. Tacitus mentions that the Ubii were relocated specifically so that they could assist the Romans in guarding that section of the river.115The archaeological evidence suggests that the army was based here at different times over several years but that the successive military encampments were probably sited away from the civilian settlement.116There is tantalizing evidence that Legio XIX was stationed here: a grafitto was found scratched into a fragment of waxy, red terra sigillata ware.117It may have shared the camp with Legio XVII.
Novaesium (‘Neuss A’), laying 50 kilometers (31 miles) northwest of Oppidum Ubiorum, was now redeveloped into a winter camp large enough for two legions.118What archaeologists refer to as ‘Neuss B’ was polygonal in shape with a V-profile ditch 8–10 metres wide and 2 metres deep and in front of it a second ditch 6 metres wide. These defensive excavations enclosed an area of at least 27 hectares.119Which legion was stationed here at this time is not preserved in the archaeological records, but it may have been Legio XVII or XVIII. A civilian settlement (canabae) grew up alongside the fort, the remains of which have been found at Selssche Ziegelei, along with pieces of pottery and some 3,000 coins, mostly dating to the reign of Augustus.120A wooden bridge was constructed to carry the military road uninterrupted over the marshy Meertal to the northwest.121
Vetera (Xanten) – the name means ‘the old camp’ – was located 65 kilometers (40 miles) downstream from Novaesium between modern Birten and Xanten on the Rhine.122Vetera I (as it is called by archaeologists) occupied a plot on the Fürstenberg standing 45.7 metres (150 feet) high above the floodplain.123It was strategically located directly opposite the mouth of the Lippe River (Lupia), which was one of the main routes into Germania Magna. Traces of sections of ditches, one at least 420 metres (1,378 feet) long, and wood-and-earth ramparts have been uncovered indicating that it was a large defended enclosure. The fortress may have been large enough for two units, with the most likely candidates being Legiones V Alaudae and XVIII.
To establish the remaining military bases, however, Drusus had first to negotiate with a local tribe – one that was officially outside the Roman Empire. His diplomatic skills would now be pressed into use.
Befriending the Batavi
Iulius Caesar was the first to report that the Batavi lived on an island in the River Rhine.124The so-called ‘island’ is actually the delta formed by the Meuse/Waal and Rhine rivers as they flow out to the North Sea. Tacitus writes that the Batavi were a splinter group of the Germanic Chatti nation that had emigrated west during a civil war, which is believed to have taken place sometime between 50–15 BCE.125These émigrés may have followed a single clan chief or king around whom they formed a distinct identity.126They were regarded as “the bravest race of all the Rhine country”.127They were known to the Romans as fine horsemen and for their ability to cross rivers in full armour.128Caesar was also the first Roman to employ them in his army.129Augustus deployed a unit of Batavi in his war against M. Antonius and later retained them in his service as a horse guard, so it is highly probable that Drusus had encountered them when he was growing up in Rome or on tour with this stepfather.130Dio, writing in the 220s CE, notes that they were still a special corps within the Roman army and bore ceremonial rods.131In Drusus’ time, however, they remained outside the Roman Empire and were regarded as honoured allies.132Their value to the Romans was clear: they were exceptional warriors, and like the most terrifying weapons, only to be used in times of war.133It was precisely such a force that Drusus needed for his campaign. Drusus was well aware of their formidable reputation and when he arrived in Gallia Belgica he was likely able to build on a pre-existing relationship.134Early in his tenure as propraetor of Tres Galliae he would have approached the Batavi to recruit their men to join his campaign and negiotiate for the rights to establish legionary camps in and around their territory. In this he was successful and work began on building the camps at Batavodurum and Fectio. Under Drusus, the Batavi would continue to be treated as special allies of the Romans: they were not subject to the usual obligation of providing tribute and Roman tax collectors were not permitted to enter their territory.135Thus, the alliance with Drusus further strengthened the identity of the Batavi as a separate nation with its own identity.136Drusus may even have had a patronal relationship with the Batavi as his clients.137In return for loyal service as his clientes, Drusus as their patronus would have had a responsibility for providing advice in the event of a dispute with other nations and representing the legal interests of the Batavi, protecting them in a Roman court or before the senate if necessary.
Drusus’ legionary camp occupies an escarpment above the floodplain of the River Waal (Vahalis) 2 kilometres (1.2 miles) east of modern Nijmegen at a place called Hunerberg.138Measuring 650 metres (2,132.5 feet) by 650 metres (2,132.5 feet), at 42 hectares it was an enclosure large enough for two legions, which may have been Legiones I Germanica and V Alaudae. The Roman legionary fortress apparently lay between two native Batavian sites. At the same time the fortress was erected, the native settlers on the Kopse Hof may have been moved to make way for a smaller fort, possibly built to house Batavian cavalry in Drusus’ employ.139The site has produced several spectacular Roman cavalry helmets and facemasks in recent years which have been dated to the Augustan era.140The exquisite quality of
the armour and equipment emphasises the high value the Romans placed on their Batavian allies.
Drusus’ Canal
The Batavi brought something else of great value to Drusus, and that was knowledge of the region of Batavia and what lay beyond to the north. It may have been when discussing the geography of the area – the coast, the land and its many rivers – with the Batavian king or clan chief that Drusus realized he could take the Roman army and attack the Germans from the rear by carrying out an invasion by sea. An amphibious landing may, of course, always have been part of the original conception for the campaign, but the exant sources do not indicate one way or the other. Having perhaps inspected the region for himself, Drusus would have seen that the North Sea was treacherous and dangerous to a flotilla of ships carrying men and matériel sailing out via the mouths of the Rhine or Waal. By a leap of the imagination it may also have occured to him or his advisors that there could be a quicker and safer way to reach the northeastern coast of Germania. To do so would mean digging a canal between the River Rhine and the large inland sea called Lacus Flevo (formerly the Zuiderzee, nowadays the IJsselmeer) allowing a fleet to sail into the relatively protected Wadden Sea.
The ‘Drusus Canal’ is mentioned by two Roman historians.141Suetonius locates the canals – fossae Drusinae (note the plural) – “beyond the Rhenus” and says it took “immense exertion” to build them.142They were still in operation at the time he wrote his Lives of the Caesars in the early second century CE.143Tacitus mentions the canal – fossa Drusiana (note the singular) – by name in the context of a later amphibious campaign under Germanicus in 16 CE.144He mentions too that “sixty-three years after Drusus” had built it, Pompeius Paulinus deployed his troops on the canal “to finish the agger” – a word translated variously as ‘embankment’ or ‘rampart’ – as a project to keep his otherwise idle troops’ hands occupied.145Other structures referred to as moles – translated as ‘dams’ or ‘dykes’ – were damaged during the revolt of Civilis and the Batavi in 69 CE.146The moles were presumably set in water, which may have been piers or dams and whose purpose is uncertain, but they could have been designed to divert river water.147At the same time Drusus was building his canal, in far away Caesarea Maritimae (Caesarea on the Sea) King Herodes’ engineers were using moles in the construction of the great harbour they called Sebastos, the Greek for Augustus, and in whose honour it was named. Begun in 22 or 21 BCE and already several years in the making, these moles were formed of giant man-made blocks laid one on top of the other in the sea and built up into jetties and breakwaters. Excavations have revealed the dimensions of at least one of these ‘blocks’ to be 11.5 metres (37.8 feet) long by 15.0 metres (49.2 feet) wide by 2.4 metres (7.9 feet) deep.148To make the blocks, engineers created box-like formworks of timber uprights and horizontal planking with elaborate lap joints and mortising, and tie beams to prevent them collapsing inwards.149The inner and outer sides of the formworks were filled with hydraulic mortar, then towed off shore and sunk. Rubble or aggregate (caementa) and mortar of volcanic pozzolana from Italy was poured into the open cavity, which cured by chemical interaction with the water to form concrete, and stone was laid over the top above sealevel to form roadways. So far no Roman concrete dams have been found in The Netherlands and they may have actually been earth, rubble and timber constructions. The embankment or rampart, the agger of Drusus’ Canal, was thrown up as part of the hydrological engineering works, perhaps as a flood defence, but its design and function is not well understood.150