The Blue Disc

by William B. Waits

  “Fine. Whatever you think is best. Let’s get back to how you compensate your workers.”

  “In figuring that out, we had to answer an important question: if social wealth dwarfs individual wealth, why quibble over small differences in pay to individuals? Pay everyone the same, some said.”

  “But you decided against equal pay, didn’t you?”

  “Yes. Ultimately, we decided against equal pay because we wanted to use the differentials in pay, small though they are, as an incentive for effort.”

  “If you pay some workers more than others, then those workers end up with more scato during their lives, don’t they?” asked Rick.

  “Yes. Some in our society have more scato than others, but that’s not a problem.”

  “If you compensate people differently, and some end up with more scato, don’t those wealthier individuals become an upper class over time?”

  “I understand your point, but remember that, even though some Euromamo have more scato than others, our disparities in wealth are not nearly as great as they are in your society. Moreover, the so-called wealthy can’t dominate their less-wealthy peers through their scato since our elites are based on status, that is, on social standing, rather than on economic standing.”

  “That’s intriguing,” Rick mumbled to himself.

  “Generally, we divide our workers into three broad categories: loafers, makers, and thought-workers. But, before getting into the details, you should know that our culture places great importance on work. We expect everyone to contribute to society with their labor.”

  “We esteem work as well in my society.”

  “I think you’ll find that we do it more consistently and comprehensively. Laziness is abhorred and results in shame to individuals and their families.”

  “How do you do that?”

  “The way we teach everything else in our society. From the earliest days in school, we instruct our students in the value and duty of conscientious work. Those values are reinforced not only at home, but also throughout the society. As we say, ‘Work is good for you and for Euromamo society’.”

  “These efforts are not completely effective, are they? Don’t some choose to be lazy despite being pushed to work?”

  “Some, but not many. Teaching everyone to work as children produces adults who labor productively.”

  “Can you actually teach people to value work?”

  “Yes, of course. The work ethic varies significantly from society to society, with the strength of it depending on how consistently the young are taught to work. The Amish are an example from your own society; they are raised to value labor and they work hard as adults.”

  “You acknowledge that some individuals will still not work, even in societies such as yours that vigorously promote it,” countered Rick.

  “You are correct. Some will refuse to work. We account for that. As we say, ‘One should understand human nature before making social policy’.”

  “What do you do about them?” asked Rick.

  “They constitute our first category: the loafers. They don’t work at all or they work less than they should. When such cases arise, we remind them and their families that their failure to work conscientiously is shameful and conflicts with Euromamo values. If they continue their behavior, it diminishes their status in the village and even puts the status of their families at risk. For most, the rebuke prompts them to mend their ways. However, if they persist, we formally label them as ‘loafers’ and add their name to a list posted in the entertainment center. Finally, we take their status vests and expel them from the village as they are a burden on us rather than a contributor. They can live on their own outside the village, in which case they provide for themselves.”

  “What if they don’t even work to do that?”

  “A few stubborn loafers don’t put forth any effort to provide for themselves. It would be inhumane to let them starve, especially when we have ample food. Therefore, we feed them, albeit at a subsistence level, from the communal kitchen in separately served ‘shame dinners’. For similar reasons, we provide loafers basic health care. It’s a dole of sorts but not a plush one.”

  “What happens with their property at their deaths?”

  “They won’t have accumulated much, but whatever they have is confiscated by the society as a death duty. This is small compensation they have to give for the support they have received from the society during their unproductive lives.”

  “Is living outside the village the only choice loafers have?” asked Rick.

  “No, they can move to a surrounding group in the rain forest if they can find a group that will take them in, or they can move to La Puerta. They are free to move where they wish.”

  “If they move to La Puerta, isn’t there a risk they will talk about the village and destroy your privacy?”

  “Sure, there’s a risk but we’ve never had a loafer divulge our existence. Privacy is too deeply held a value for even a loafer to violate.”

  “Are loafers shunned by the society?”

  “‘Shunned’ is too harsh a word. They can come into the village and visit their families and friends from time to time, but they can’t attend any Euromamo gatherings, such as plays, speeches, church services, or the Origins Ceremonies. They can’t vote. They lead a life that is, for the most part, removed from Euromamo social life.”

  “Can they decide to work and move back into society?”

  “Yes, indeed. That’s what we hope they‘ll do, and many loafers make that choice. We welcome back those who pledge to mend their ways and rejoin us.”

  “What are your other groups of workers?”

  “Makers and thought-workers. I’ll tell you about them in turn.”

  “Good.”

  “The group your people call laborers, we call makers because we think ‘makers’ is a more accurate description. They produce tangible products and are paid significantly more in wages than loafers get as basic subsistence. That’s because we want to encourage people to work rather than loaf.”

  “Is scato the main difference in what makers get compared to loafers?”

  “No. The main difference is in the higher social status that the makers enjoy.”

  “Higher status? Isn’t status awfully vague? How does everyone know who has higher and lower status?”

  “For status to work as a system of motivation, it’s important that villagers know the status of others in the society. To achieve this, everyone wears a status waistcoat with small metal pins that indicates standing.”

  John pushed the front of his vest forward, displaying his fifteen enameled metal pins.

  Rick examined them carefully.

  “They are very nice, John.”

  “Thank you. I’m proud of them.”

  “Since I came into your society, I’ve wondered what the vests and pins represent. You and the Leader have quite a few of them, don’t you?”

  “Yes, I’ve worked hard for mine, and you’re right about the Leader. She has more than any other Euromamo, reflecting the fact that she’s very accomplished and highly regarded. The bee’s knees, as it were.”

  “Is wearing the vest with status pins regarded as bragging?” asked Rick. “What if someone decides to forego wearing theirs out of humility?”

  “Wearing status buttons is never considered bragging. Indeed, everyone is expected to wear their waistcoats whenever they’re outside their homes, whether they have a lot of status pins or whether they have only a few. It’s the main public indicator of the status of the wearer. The point is to have everyone’s status publicly displayed.”

  “Is there a law requiring everyone to wear a status vests?”

  “No, but it’s a strongly held custom. It’s necessary to make the status system work. We teach the importance of wearing waistcoats to our young people during their school years, although they don’t get their first ones until graduation. It’s the main symbol of their assuming adult responsibility.”

  �
��I certainly want to know more about the status system, but I don’t want to interrupt your discussion of makers.”

  “Although makers clearly get more scato and status than loafers, thought-workers, on average, get a bit more of those than do makers. The thought-workers manage our productive operations in the buildings along the Bel Ami and they include the members of our professions, such as medicine, education, government, and the arts. Only conscientious students and makers are considered for thought-worker positions because they are expected to set an example for others. It’s only fair that they would get some extra scato and status for their efforts.”

  “You don’t treat people equally, it seems?”

  “That’s correct. We don’t. Individuals have different abilities. Some people accomplish more than others in the same amount of time. Some do better quality work. Some have better insight and judgment. Those traits deserve to be rewarded.”

  “Is the difference in scato compensation between makers and thought-workers significant?” asked Rick.

  “It’s not what you would regard as significant. We thought we should keep the compensation close because both makers and thought-workers put in a full day of work and both are tired at the end of the day. By that simple standard, their efforts are similar.”

  “Do all thought-workers earn more scato than makers do?”

  “No, there’s overlap. Higher-compensated makers earn more scato than lower-compensated thought-workers. But remember, the main incentive among all workers is status, not scato.”

  “Tell me more about how your status system works.”

  “It’s very public. That’s what makes it work. Once it’s determined that someone deserves higher status, it’s crucial that everybody know about it. We post a notice of a public ceremony commemorating the change in the entertainment center and that’s where we hold the ceremony. The focus of the event is the awarding of status pins.”

  “The pins are very nice, of course, but do people actually work hard to get them? Aren’t they more motivated by getting scato?” asked Rick.

  “Some people in our society work for scato, but most are more motivated by a desire for higher status, symbolized by the pins. That’s because our society emphasizes status much more than it does material accumulation.”

  “That’s difficult for me to believe,” said Rick.

  “That may be because your society places such a strong emphasis on the accumulation of scato, or money as you call it. However, even there, one can see the importance of status occasionally. For example, nominations to your Supreme Court are much sought after, even though confirmed Justices receive less pay than they would in private practice. Candidates desire the positions because they are accorded very high status. Their robes symbolize their elite position in your society. This is not the only case in which status beats money. Consider your military officers whose salaries are low given the responsibilities they bear; however, they are accorded rank and power within their organizations and respect by the society. Notably, they also wear indicators of their rank or status like we do. Those insignia of rank determine how they are treated, the privileges they enjoy, and the responsibilities they bear.”

  “If status works as a reward for good workers, how does it work as a punishment for lazy workers?”

  “It works well. Lowering status for loafing is a strong motivation to mend one’s ways.”

  “So your system also lowers status?”

  “Yes, and it’s important that we can move it in either direction.”

  “How does that work?”

  “Sometimes, those who have worked productively choose to reduce their efforts. You doubtless know of similar cases in your own society: the long lunches and vacations taken by those in your executive suites, sand-bagging by union members or by workers protected by civil service. People can decide to loaf wherever they are in the economic order.”

  “I am familiar with such cases,” said Rick. “What do you do about those who work less diligently?”

  “We take some of their status pins or, if it continues, we reassign them to less-preferred work. Those who lose all of their pins can no longer wear their waistcoats, which is very embarrassing for them.”

  “What about if someone commits a crime? Does that also result in a loss of status?” asked Rick.

  “Yes. A dramatic loss sometimes.”

  “So those who work in your society do not have security in their status positions?”

  “Correct. We intentionally built some insecurity into the system since security encourages loafing.”

  “How did you reach that conclusion?”

  “It comes from our reading of history. When workers have strong job security, they commonly work without enthusiasm. For example, slaves in the antebellum South engaged in passive resistance, meaning they didn’t exactly throw themselves into their work. Why should they have? As long as they worked hard enough to avoid the whip, they had no fear of being fired. Indeed, if they had been fired--that is, told to leave--they would have been overjoyed. It’s an extreme example, I know, but it makes the point about job security.”

  “I think I understand it.”

  “The same thing is true of workers in the Soviet Union. Job security leads to loafing and inefficiency almost everywhere it exists; therefore, we concluded that some job insecurity is needed as a motivator, though not to the point of oppression.”

  “I can see why you wanted up and down movement in your society.”

  “Yes, it keeps people working diligently. Also, it keeps the system open, and that means that the most productive people can rise to important positions where they are needed, even if they are born into families with relatively low status. An open system allows us to identify and reward talented and conscientious workers wherever they are. In a closed system, talented people often remain unrecognized because they can’t rise.”

  “You want people to focus on achieving status rather than achieving wealth, it seems,” commented Rick.

  “You’re close. We want people to focus on achieving individual and family status rather than achieving individual wealth,” John responded. “Growing social wealth is highly praiseworthy, but that’s a topic for another time.”

  “I look forward to learning more about it.”

  “Yes. You won’t understand our society without understanding the importance of social wealth. Before we conclude this discussion, let me expand on one aspect of our status system that I have barely alluded to: we also accord status symbols to families.”

  “Families have status pins for vests?”

  “No, not waistcoat pins. Family status symbols are painted ceramic discs that are attached to posts outside the shelters of family leaders, and are thus visible to villagers.”

  “I have seen them and have wondered what they were. Why do you have those?”

  “Family status discs encourage villagers to bring honor to their families. Parents are expected to teach their children the values of our society, including their duty to work and to behave responsibly. We think it’s fair to expect families to pressure their misbehaving members to mend their ways.”

  “Can the status discs of a family be reduced or even taken away?”

  “Yes. There are twenty levels of discs so a family’s status can be raised and lowered just like that of individuals.”

  “How is it fair to reduce a family’s status because a member decides to loaf or commit a crime?”

  “We’re sensitive to that issue. A family may end up with a bad apple despite its best efforts to raise that child with a strong set of values. Therefore, we consider other factors such as whether the family has raised other children who are working honorably. If they have, sanctions against the family are lessened or eliminated.”

  “You seem satisfied at how your status system is working,” commented Rick.

  “It’s been effective in motivating people in our society.”

  They exchanged some pleasantries before Rick started
back to his room. As he strolled along the pathway, he made special note of the status vests worn by the villagers he passed as well as the family status plaques in front of shelters.

  Wealth is not an absolute. It is relative to desire. Every time we yearn for something we cannot afford, we grow poorer, whatever our resources. And every time we feel satisfied with what we have, we can be counted as rich, however little we may actually possess.

  Alain de Botton

  CHAPTER 14

  Skivvies

  After the discussion of workers with John, Rick continued delving into Euromamo economics. It was an important topic for his dissertation. Then he overheard a villager saying that Archbishop Richards would be giving a sermon entitled “Skivvies” at that week’s service. What could possibly be its message? He immediately wanted to go so he stopped by John’s shelter to ask John to go with him to answer his questions but, before knocking, he made sure that John’s blue privacy disc was not displayed.

  “Sure, I’ll be glad to go with you,” John replied. “It’ll doubtless be good for your research to hear it.”

  “Thanks. Unusual to have a sermon on skivvies, isn’t it?”

  “We’ll have to listen to it to find out more.”

  “The same time as last week?”

  “Yes, it’ll be held at 1:00 PM on Sunday. I’ll come by your room just before the service starts.”

  “I look forward to it.”

  On the day of the sermon, Rick got ready ahead of time. He could not remember ever anticipating a religious service this much. John was in good spirits when he arrived for the short walk around the entertainment center to the main entrance.