Millenium

by Tom Holland

  In truth, whatever the precise details of the persecution that was launched against the Jews in 1010, it could hardly have been on the scale of the pogroms that were simultaneously tearing al-Andalus apart - for 'the fury of the Christian people', as even Glaber admitted, in a tone of some disappointment, 'did not take long to cool'.33 The sudden eruption of Jew-killing, as unprecedented as it had been savage, subsided quickly. As well it might have done - for it carried a penalty, according to a papal mandate that had been issued only two years previously, of excommunication. With the mobs laying down their weapons, so the dust began to settle. Communities everywhere set to picking up the pieces. Across France, the Christian authorities resumed gracing the Jews with their customary disdainful tolerance. On both sides, it appears, there was a determination to regard the violence as an aberration - or indeed as something that had never happened in the first place.

  This attitude was dictated for the persecuted by simple common sense - and for the persecutors by something like embarrassment. All well and good, no doubt, to turn on the enemies of Christ during the reign of Antichrist, that time of terrible and cosmic danger when, as Adso had pointed out, 'the Jews will flock to him, in the belief that they are receiving God - but rather they will be receiving the Evil One'. As it proved, however, the desecration of the Holy Sepulchre had not served to usher in the end days — just as al-Hakim had not turned out to be Antichrist. Indeed, far from persisting in his perse­cution of the Christians, strange rumours began to spread in the West that he had become a Christian himself. By 1021 he was dead, lost in the Egyptian desert, and in such mysterious circumstances

  that there were some, both Muslim and Christian, who claimed he had been taken up to heaven by an angel.[12] Meanwhile, in Jerusalem, work had soon begun on rebuilding the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, so that within two decades of its destruction services were once again being celebrated before its altar, and pilgrims, entering the shrine, could gawp at all its beauties, at 'its coloured marbles, its ornamentation and sculptures, its Byzantine brocade with pictures spun in gold'.14 No wonder, then, back in the lands of the West, that the hysteria that had followed its original destruction was a source of some mortification, and one that most people preferred to forget.

  Yet this was not always easily done. There were those for whom the terrors of 1010 had been so overwhelming as to shake them to their very core. How, for instance, as Limoges returned to normal, and the years gradually slipped by, and even the banished Jews began to limp their way back to the town, was Ademar to make sense of his vision of the weeping Christ? Tellingly, when he finally came to write down what he had seen, he still could not bring himself to confess the precise context of his revelation. Instead, with a finicky display of deceit that only a true scholar could possibly have attempted, he set out to muddy it. History, in Ademar's chronicle, was painstakingly rewritten. The destruction of the Holy Sepulchre was dated, not to 1009, but to the succeeding summer. The likelihood that it had been the alarming news from Jerusalem which inspired the persecution of the Jews - not to mention Ademar's own vision — was discreetly buried. In all his account of the harrowing events of 1010 not a hint remained that they had been prompted, as a later and more scrupu­lous historian would put it, 'by a rumour spread in many places across the globe, one that frightened and saddened many hearts, that the end of the world was at hand'.35

  Yet still, in Ademar's own soul, at any rate, the question must have abided: why had his saviour appeared to him, nailed to a cross, and weeping? There was nothing in his monastery that would have pre­pared him for such a spectacle. Just as the ancient Romans, shrinking from imagining their god as a victim of torture, had preferred to think of Him instead as a celestial emperor, ablaze with the glory of His tri­umph over death, so too had their successors, in the Latin West no less than in Constantinople, persisted in representing Christ as a Basileus, serene and remote, enthroned in heaven. His cross, when it was por­trayed at all, was conceived of less as an instrument of execution than as a victory standard, dyed by His blood an aptly imperial purple. That Jesus, who had once trod the earth as a human being, had experienced suffering no less excruciating than that endured by the most wretched of peasants, that He had hungered, and thirsted, and even wept: all these were details that scarcely registered with most Christians. Well might Ademar, then, have found himself perturbed by his vision.

  And all the more so because he would have suspected that what he had been shown that fateful night was something that might prove perilous to acknowledge. There were many, since the Millennium, who had laid claim to strange revelations. Most of these, in the view of anxious clerics such as Ademar himself, derived not from any parting of the veil of heaven, but rather from shadows and phantasms risen up from the fumes of hell. In the fateful year 1000, for instance, a French peasant by the name of Leutard had dreamed that a great swarm of bees entered his body through his anus, and spoke to him, 'ordering him to do things impossible for human kind';36 simultaneously, Vilgard, a grammarian at Ravenna, imagined himself in the company of assorted ancient pagans;37 and in 1022, most alarmingly of all, it was reported that twelve clerics in Orleans, one of whom had been high in the favour of King Robert himself, were in the habit of being visited regu­larly by the Devil, 'who would appear to them sometimes in the guise of an Ethiopian, and sometimes in the form of an angel of light'.38

  Bewilderingly diverse in their origins and their social backgrounds the men who experienced these visions may have been - and yet all had been inspired by a similar shocking notion: 'They did not believe that there was such a thing as the Church,'39 it was said of the clerics of Orleans. So it was likewise reported of Leutard, who had set himself to vandalising shrines, and of Vilgard, who had claimed that poets were the only source of wisdom. All of them, inspired by their super­natural interlocutors, had come to scorn the rituals and the doctrines of the Church, its ancient hierarchy, its sumptuous adornments, its aids to prayer, its tithes: everything, in short, of its massy order which had been constructed with such labour over the long millennium since the life of Christ.

  Where had they sprung from, these heretics?40 Just as bishops had never thought to harry the Jews until the dawning of the new mil­lennium, so similarly had it never before crossed their minds to root around for heresy.41 Only during the end days, after all, so Christ had admonished, were the weeds to be sorted out from the wheat, 'and burned with fire'. Yet now the Millennium was here — and suddenly, it appeared to jumpy churchmen, there were weeds sprouting up everywhere. Ademar, for instance, nervously marking the times from the watchtower of his monastery, described the fields and forests of Aquitaine as teeming with heretics; and the more he sought to keep track of them, the more obsessed by them he became. Like the 'wicked­ness and pride' that he dreaded were coming to infect the souls of the faithful everywhere, 'the endless warfare, and the famine, and the pestilence, the terrors seen in the heavens, and all the other signs', they were self-evidently a fateful portent: 'messengers of Antichrist'.42 And yet in truth, to a man such as Ademar, the heresy being preached on his very doorstep must have appeared a uniquely devilish menace. Unlike the Jews, who were at least open in their hostility to the Christian faith, it was the perverse and subtle cunning of heretics that they scorned the Church for not being Christian enough. Their ideal was an existence of rough-hewn simplicity, such as the original disciples had known. In their beginning was to be their end: for the heretics, by attempting to found the primitive Church anew in Aquitaine, aimed at nothing less than the hastening of the return of Christ. 'They affect to lead their lives as the apostles did,'43 it was reported of communities in the Perigord, a bare fifty miles south of Limoges. An accusation fit to chill the soul of Ademar, certainly—for how could it not have served to awaken a dark and unnerving suspi­cion in him? The rolling back of the Millennium to its starting point, the annihilation of time: was this not precisely what his own revela­tion had accomplished, by showing him Christ nailed and bloody upo
n the Cross?

  These were treacherous waters indeed. No wonder that Ademar hesitated for years to confess his vision. No wonder either that he should have noted with a particular alarm how the heretics, even as they preached their pestilential doctrines in the woods and villages beyond the walls of his monastery, sought to set themselves apart from the common run of sinful humanity - 'precisely as though they were monks'.44 One eccentricity in particular stood out: their vege­tarianism. Indeed, a repugnance for eating meat appeared a characteristic of heretics wherever they were found. In Saxony, for instance, suspicions would immediately be aroused if a peasant showed himself reluctant to kill a chicken - for squeamishness had come to be regarded as a certain symptom of heresy. So too, in France, had 'a pale complexion':45 the inevitable consequence of only ever nibbling on turnips. In Milan, the archbishop himself stepped in to try to persuade a group of heretics, a countess among them, that it was no sin to be a carnivore—but in vain. Back came the defiant reply: 'We do not eat meat.'46

  Here, in this bold statement, was something more than merely the articulation of a dietary fad. For if it were true, as all the signs sug­gested, that the end time was fast approaching, and the New Jerusalem about to descend, then how better could humanity prepare itself, so the heretics appear to have concluded, than by aspiring to a literally fleshless state? To fast - and if not to fast, then to subsist on vegetables — was the closest that a mortal could hope to come to the incorporeal condition of an angel. Well might this serve to make a bishop nerv­ous - for what role did it leave to him? Yet if there was any order of the Church likely to feel threatened by the sudden mushrooming of heretics, and by their ambitions to live like angels, then it was - just as Ademar had noted - the monks. And specifically, the monks of Cluny. For they too conceived of themselves as beings set apart from the pol­luted world of flesh and dirt and sin; and they too, as befitted soldiers of God, did not eat meat. Any monk who presumed to break this pro­hibition, so Abbot Odo had warned, would find himself choking on the offending morsel to death. Even the use of lard, on those regret­table occasions when oil ran short, required a special dispensation. Not for warrior monks the more robust appetites of a bishop such as Henry of Lund, the keeper of Canute's treasure in Denmark, who 'revelled and stuffed his belly so full that at last he suffocated and burst';''7 nor of a king such as Sancho of Leon, who ended up so stupefyingly fat that he could barely walk, let alone climb on to a horse, and had to be put on a crash diet by a Jewish physician summoned all the way from Cordoba specifically to slim him down.

  Notorious prodigies of gluttony such as these served merely to showcase what was anyway self-evident enough: that gourmandising, in a world racked by hunger, was above all a marker of rank. The monks of Cluny, who certainly had no wish to see the world turned upside down, appreciated this perfectly well; nor did they ever think to begrudge an eminent visitor the meat that they denied themselves. Indeed, on occasion, when the monastery found its larder under­stocked, the odd miracle might help them to make up the shortfall: as on the evening when a bishop and his entire retinue dropped by unex­pectedly, and a huge boar was discovered shortly afterwards sitting on the porch, drooling over the stonework and 'offering itself up willingly to be slaughtered'.48 That even the pork served at Cluny's tables might be touched by the supernatural was certainly dazzling evidence of the monastery's holiness — and that the monks themselves still stuck to the fish course even more so.

  Which was just as well — for the Church, if it were to meet the challenge of heresy, desperately needed its own exemplars of other- worldliness and purity. The challenge of those who in their longing for Christ's return imagined that the gates of the celestial could be forced open, and the Second Coming hastened, had to be met and sternly rebuffed. Not all of them could be brought to the satisfying end of Leutard, who in his despair at finding himself abandoned by his fol­lowers had committed suicide by jumping down a well. Nor could they all be burned: the fare of the Orleans dozen. To be sure, the fact that the convicted clerics had spontaneously dissolved into ash at the merest touch of the fires had clearly signalled divine approval of their sentence; nor was their execution, the first ever for heresy in the West, by any means to be the last. Yet the Church itself, in the main, shrank from the prospect of harrying heretics to their death—so that when, for instance, in Milan, the city fathers condemned the vegetarian countess and her associates to the flames, the sentence was vigorously opposed by the very archbishop who had interrogated them in the first place. 'Error coupled with cruelty,*49 said one bishop of the policy of executing heretics. In part, this reflected practical considerations: the Church simply lacked the apparatus of state control that the Umayyads or al-Mansur had been able to draw upon in their own, far bloodier, campaigns against heresy. Yet it also reflected something profounder: a determination to confront the heretics on their chosen ground, directly on the battlefield of the supernatural, before the gates of the City of God. That the Christian people, sensing the world to be entering the end time, and buffeted as they were by portents and wonders and upheavals, should yearn to journey on the path of right­eousness, in the expectation that it would lead them to behold the coming of Christ Himself - this, perhaps, was only to be expected. What mattered, however, was not to cede control of the journey to the heretics: to remind the faithful that it had only ever been through the Church that sinful humanity had been brought to approach the City of God.

  So it was that the heretics and the monks, even as the millennium of Christ's Resurrection drew ever closer, went head to head. Against the rugged simplicities of those who sought, beneath trees or out on dusty roads, to lead their lives as the apostles had done, without splen­dour or ritual, there was arrayed a very different model of sanctity.

  Foremost in the line of battle, as was only to be expected, was that princely captain, Abbot Odilo of Cluny. The piety of the brethren under his authority, the literally superhuman continence of their habits and the angelic beauty of their singing combined to suggest that paradise might indeed be created on earth. As the years passed, so Cluny's fame and influence continued to spread. Ever more monas­teries came to submit themselves to Odilo's rule. All were rigorously purified by a programme of reform. Once cleansed of every taint of corruption, they stood qualified to serve the Christian people as out­posts of heaven. Or so, at any rate, the enthusiasts for reform proclaimed.

  These, by the 1020s, extended far and wide. The model of Cluny was coming to have a truly international appeal. The prayers and anthems which were raised there, no matter how scorned they might be by heretics, were increasingly regarded by most Christians as the surest defence that existed against the Devil. Nor, adding sensationally to their appeal, did their potency cease with death. Anxious sinners, fretting about their prospects of salvation, could rest assured that there was nothing more certain to cut short their sufferings amid the flames of the afterlife, and to secure their entry into paradise, than to be remembered amid the cloisters of Cluny. Not that this necessarily came cheap. A mention in the chantings of the monks was a passport to heaven so precious that the greatest in the land would pay prodi­giously for it. Yet Odilo, even as Cluny benefited handsomely from the endowments of the wealthy, did not forget the souls of the poor. So it was that he made sure to introduce a new festival to the monastery's calendar, to be celebrated every 2 November, a commemoration of the dead that could serve to profit all the Christian faithful. On All Souls' Day, the prayers of the monks were raised in the cause of the departed everywhere: obsequies of such awesome power that they were believed to help swing open the gates of heaven.

  And sure enough, the knowledge of this, and the conviction that the monks of Cluny and its associated houses were indeed worthy to guard the celestial, did much to blunt heresy's sting. Yet still, beyond the walls of the monasteries, the great mass of the Christian people remained nervous and uneasy—and still they yearned for more. The peace councils, at which the parading of relics was a particular attrac
­tion, had served to instil in them a taste for mystery and spectacle; nor, for all that they admired the secluded sanctity of the monks, were they content to have everything holy locked away. Ground down as most people were by the harshness and sheer monotony of their existence, the chance to set out on a journey to a famous shrine, to look upon the remains of a saint, and perhaps to witness a miracle, had become a precious one indeed.

  So it was, in the first decades of the new millennium, that the roads came increasingly to swell with pilgrims—and many of these, excep­tionally, were peasants. This, in a world where most people never thought to raise their gaze beyond the brow of the nearest hill, was yet another prodigy - and not the least unsettling. Women, in partic­ular, finding themselves and their families suddenly abandoned, were liable to accuse their husbands of setting off on pilgrimage out of 'vain curiosity rather than any devotion to religion'. Yet they needed to watch their tongues. The saints did not take kindly to shrews. A woman in Normandy, for instance, who had presumed to nag her husband to stay at home and put food on his family's table, rather than visit a local shrine, found 'her blasphemous mouth, the organ through which she had shamelessly uttered outrageous language against God and her husband, elongated rigidly in a distorted and deformed way, so that it became fixed to both her ears'.30 A fitting punishment, no doubt; and yet, the truth be told, there were plenty of monks who would not have disagreed with her criticisms, The increasingly vulgar character of the pilgrims at their shrines had not gone unmarked. Particularly resented was the tendency of peasants to camp out in churches and stay up all night telling rude jokes. Some monks, driven to distraction by their 'abominable shouting and unruly singing',31 would go so far as to lock them out.