Friendly Betrayal

by José Antonio López

  A significant detail that is lost in today’s discussion of the Villas is that when Escandón’s group arrived in the lower Rio Grande, they were the first European-descent inhabitants there. For example, when the residents of Camargo, Reynosa, Refugio, and Dolores began building their homes, they were the only Europeans living on this side of the Rio Grande from the Gulf of Mexico to El Paso and Santa Fe, New Mexico!

  When completed, the total number of families involved was nearly 1,500 with a combined population of over 6,000, plus nearly 3,000 Christian Native Americans.

  Los Caminos del Rio greatly facilitated contact within the chain of communities. It must be noted that the Villas are the source of many Texas families that settled vital early communities “Deep in the Heart of Texas”: San Antonio, Los Adaes (Nacogdoches), and La Bahia (Goliad).

  The Crown was pleased and awarded Escandón the title of Conde de Sierra Gorda and first governor of the newly named territory of Nuevo Santander. Not everyone was happy, especially those settlers who wanted deeds to their lands. Don José was unwilling to grant them because he was convinced that once the ranchers got deeds, they would abandon the towns.

  Escandón’s plan worked. First, small, connected thriving communities dotted both sides of the lower Rio Grande. In addition, to the Camino Real roads, villas settlers built their own system of roads called Los Caminos del Rio, as mentioned above.

  More than twenty villas were established. Sadly, Count José de Escandón’s political enemies brought charges against their leader. Valiantly, he tried to face his accusers as foes in the battlefield. Initially embracing the legal problem with zeal, this different kind of battle took its toll and fatigue weakened the old hero.

  In the end, Escandón was summoned to Mexico City to defend himself against charges of corruption. The trial was too much to bear for the leader and he died before the royal court was able to render a decision. Of consolation is the fact that his son, Manuel, took up his father’s cause and succeeded in clearing his father’s reputation and the family name. Eventually, the court concluded its proceedings, issuing a ruling of not guilty.

  For the record, following is a list of villas closest to the lower Rio Grande and with most impact on Texas. It’s important to note that this region was actually part of the state of Nuevo Santander (Tamaulipas) until 1848:

  1749. Camargo: Villa de Nuestra Señora de Santa Ana de Camargo.

  1749. Reynosa. Villa de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Reynosa.

  1749. Refugio. San Juan de Los Esteros Hermosos.

  1750. Revilla. Villa del Señor San Ignacio de Loyola de Revilla. Renamed Guerrero in honor of Vicente Guerrero, 2d President of Mexico.

  1750. Dolores. Hacienda de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores (Established by José Vásquez Borrego, rancher from Coahuila.)

  1753. Mier. Estancia de Mier. (Named for N. León Governor Francisco Mier y Torre.) Est by families from Camargo.

  1755. Laredo. Villa de San Agustín de Laredo (in honor of St. Augustine of Hippo and Count Escandón’s hometown of Laredo, Cantabria, Spain.)

  Note: Only Dolores and Laredo were established on the east (Texas) side of the Rio Grande.

  It is also worthy to note that the Villas del Norte are now separated by the international border that serves as a permanent Mason Dixon Line.

  However, due to close family ties, language, heritage, and commerce, the agua (water) of the Rio Grande unites the communities, rather than separates them. The early chapters of Texas and Southwest history are written in Spanish, but that only means that U.S. and Texas history are bilingual and bicultural.

  Chapter 13

  Las Porciones

  To receive a plot of land in Las Villas del Norte, the grantee had to prove that he or she and their family were dependable and deserving of the honor, because not all of the applicants qualified.

  What is important to understand as regards the name “Porción”, is that the land carries with it a portion of Rio Grande water rights.

  Lengths varied, but typically, they were 1 mile in width to 15 miles in length and extended at right angles to the river bank.

  We can only imagine the scene. A group of citizens gathered to witness the ceremony. Dressed in their finest colonial era clothing, the day of award was awaited with much anticipation.

  Formal possession of Porciones in the Villas del Norte began in August 1767.

  To initiate the transfer of title, the formal ceremony took place in the property itself.

  The practice involved standard steps:

  (1)The magistrate announced the purpose for the gathering of dignitaries, guests, and land grantee and family.

  (2)The magistrate publicly asked if anyone had a better right to the land.

  (3)The grantee then opened and closed the door to the family shelter that had already been constructed on the property.

  (4)With guests gathered in a circle around the grantee, he took dust and stones and cast them to the four winds. The grantee then:

  (a)Pulled herbs from the ground.

  (b)Took water in a pot or jug and watered the earth around him.

  (c)Performed related acts to show he was in possession of his land grant.

  (d)Promised to erect proper and permanent landmarks.

  (e)Promised to cultivate, preserve, and to properly use his land grant.

  Note: Source for the above information: José Maria Peña’s book, “Inherit the dust of the four winds of Revilla”.

  Chapter 14

  “The Viceroy’s shadow”

  For the growing population of Revilla, life was good, but tough. Everyone pulled together to improve their expanding community. Most of the time was spent eking a living that there were few disputes among its settlers.

  The only thing that galvanized the citizens was their growing distrust of the regular visits of the viceroy’s representatives. Indeed, it was the rigid system of control that stifled a freer, independent venture of settlers in New Spain.

  Having to work form sun up to sun down just to survive was one thing. To stand helplessly and watch the tax collectors inventory your possessions was not only undignified, but unfair. Most everything’s value determined the amount to be collected as taxes.

  It must be said that the levying of goods began early in the 16th century with the famous king’s “Quinto” or twenty percent on ore mining in America. Treating New Spain as a faraway, lucrative source of income, the taxation system then progressed through several stages. By exploiting the land and its population, Spain paid its royal expenses and monarchial wars that seemed endless in Europe.

  Improving and expanding their homes for example, by adding another room, had a price. That’s because the tax rate could be increased by the tax collector during his next visit. So, it wasn’t unusual for residents to build improvements at a very slow pace. Thus, it didn’t take long for settlers to find ways to hide their assets from the one who was derisively called “the viceroy’s shadow”. Although, the term was loosely applied to any of a number of official visitors in town.

  The two basic populations suffered in two ways. First, settlers had no authority to buy and sell products they made in a free market. At best, many adopted and settled for barter methods of trade. All else in commerce was controlled by the crown through his agent, the viceroy.

  No matter how hard one worked the land, the process stifled enterprise and income increase. In short, as mentioned in the previous chapter, there existed a rigid caste system where standard of living matched the pecking order of the social system.

  Second, akin to the white population, Native Americans were doomed by their social status to the lowest rung in the economic ladder. Regardless of the many royal edicts against abuses of the “Indios”, wholesale exploitations were occurring everywhere in America. Northern Mexico was no exception. Although sparsely populated due t
o the yearlong arid climate, large ranchos were already part of the landscape.

  Once in America, Spain established senior magistrates to function in the same royal taxation systems in use in Europe. That position in New Spain was known as the viceroy, based in Mexico City.

  The capital was also home to the “audencia”, a group of about four judges who had judicial power over the entire territory. Most important, it did not report to the viceroy, but to the Spanish crown. In managing the king’s affairs in America, viceroys and the audencia often clashed due to their different agendas. Suffering between the two rivals and the various middlemen were the settlers. For example, settlers had to receive permission for most everything in their livelihood.

  Thus, it is not difficult to realize that a sense of independence in the Americas went hand in hand with disappointment. It was very much a part of colonial life. In a cumbersome maneuvering style, all important decisions were made thousands of miles away in Spain. In short, the communication cycle was ineffective and frustrating.

  For example, increasing the size of their herds of cattle, horses, sheep, and goats did not automatically increase profits for the locals. Raw materials they produced were shipped to factories owned and controlled by Spanish investors.

  Items partly produced in New Spain were also shipped to Spain where the product was finished. They were then shipped back to consumers in America who paid high prices for the articles. Begrudgingly, New Spain settlers had no choice but to purchase the items, even though they had furnished the raw materials to make them in the first place.

  Local Spanish citizens in New Spain were prohibited by powerful tycoons in Spain from producing necessary everyday items. This included items of clothing, olive oil, soap, tobacco, kitchenware, wine, and similar things.

  Tax collectors and other official inspectors visited the small developing remote towns periodically to inspect, record, and collect taxes due. Although they were barely able to sustain themselves, it was the demand for taxes on these centers of production that often enraged local merchants. By this time, the Camino Real connecting the communities had greatly facilitated contact and trade.

  Soon, locals began to meet regularly in small groups to catch up on news from Madrid and Mexico City, where the hated laws affecting them were enacted. Citizens of Revilla and other towns along the lower Rio Grande quickly became hotbeds of resentment toward colonial rule. Reading about similar anti-monarchy revolts in Europe made them even more willing to seek resolution to their protests.

  Adding to the problem was the fact that wealthy residents established themselves as the aristocracy. There was a curious part to this unique upper class system. Children of these leaders, peninsualres (born in Spain), were called creoles (criollos), and were not at the same social or political level as their parents. Of no consolation was the fact that criollos had superior rights and privileges than mestizos (mixed white and native blood), Native Americans, and mulattos (mulatos).

  Since peninsulares occupied the top tier, their good fortune helps to explain why not everyone objected to the lopsided structure of rights and privileges. The rich tended to support the central government, because they were an integral part of it. Unfortunately, that was understandable because they were part of the elite controlling most everything in New Spain. Worse, any talk of insurrection threatened their status.

  Thus, the viceroy’s shadow was everywhere. Arrests of those accused of complaints were many. Once under arrest, anyone considered a leader of insurrection was sent to Mexico City for trial.

  Dramatically, the same Spanish seed cultivated in America sprouted two very different plants. Indeed, society had already matured into two very distinct groups by the early 1800s. One was called “centralists”. They supported a strong central government without question. The other group (federalists) wanted autonomy.

  Revilla residents (Revillenses) belonged to this second faction. Composed largely by criollos, they sought only a sharing of power. Realistically, that was easier said than done. This was a time when monarchs were unwilling to give up any part of their dominance, regardless of practicality. While federalists didn’t mind being under overall supervision by New Spain’s viceroy, they hoped for some self-rule to decide on legal matters affecting their daily lives.

  That, in a nutshell, was the main complaint and the core of the matter. That is, documentation was cumbersome, and decisions for most everyday activity took months to resolve, given the approval took too long to resolve, since the central government seat was located so far away.

  Amid all this chaos, a movement began to form. Under the watchful eyes of the authorities, federalism supporters found unique ways to share information. Gatherings to celebrate religious holidays in secluded ranchos became platforms for individuals to air their grievances and offer solutions.

  Regular social and music recitals called tertulias held in private homes were commonly used by federalists to share information regarding this fast growing movement. This was a favorite form used by a fifty seven year old priest in Dolores, Guanajuato, by the name of Miguel Hidalgo.

  Chapter 15

  “El Grito”

  Amid the social and political chaos existing throughout New Spain in the early 1800s, Padre Miguel Hidalgo could stay quiet no longer. Yet, his involvement and eventual leadership of the massive Mexican people’s insurrection against the powerful upper crust came innocently enough.

  Miguel Hidalgo was born into an influential family in the state of Guanajuato. His life as a well-to-do creole (criollo) did not spoil him. He enjoyed being privileged and enjoying the finer things in life, yet he ached inside when he saw firsthand the extreme suffering of the indigenous people of Mexico.

  His father managed a large hacienda as the foreman and saw to it that Miguel and his brothers received sufficient formal education no matter the cost. As part of his plan, Don Cristobal, his father, ensured that Miguel and one of his brothers entered the priesthood.

  Miguel progressed through his studies rapidly, completing his basic priest training in 1770. By 1778, he was ordained a priest. He was twenty-five years old.

  Young Miguel Hidalgo was an excellent student. He was especially good with languages. Not only had he learned to speak several Native American languages, such as Nahuatl, but he also learned to speak French and Italian.

  Known for his cleverness, he read Enlightenment teachings in French, since European books of liberty and independence were forbidden reading material in New Spain. In that manner, he was able to not only read and absorb the ideas, but to share them with his like-minded friends.

  He quickly attained a teaching position at the prestigious colegio de San Nicolás Obispo in Valladolid (Morelia). Outspoken in his liberal view of the world, he was recalcitrant and critical of monarchial and papal power. His superiors feared the damage that the firebrand would do to their religious institution. As a way to silence him, they initiated plans to give him an isolated parish post. Thus, he was reassigned to a small church in Dolores, Guanajuato.

  The assignment was timely. It was as the religious leader of the extremely needy congregation of Native Americans that he decided to put his enlightenment ideas to action. Often walking the countryside visiting homes of his Indio and mestizo parishioners, he saw the dire conditions they contended with day in and day out.

  He was most concerned about how large landowners controlled the peasants’ lives. Basing his goals on several of his liberal ideas, he began to teach Indios the art of land cultivating. In particular, he taught them agriculture methods. Also, he instructed them in the planting of grapes and olives. It was his objective to make Indios self-reliant and less dependent on the one-sided commercial authorities.

  His approach was in direct opposite to colonial law. Olive oil and wine were the exclusive realms of growers in Spain. These and similar products were made in the mother country and shipped to New Spain at very high prices.r />
  In trying to help Indios out of their dismal conditions, Father Hidalgo faced strong criticism from the rich peninsulares. They accused him of upsetting the social and economic structure of New Spain. In short, he made enemies of the most powerful merchants in the country.

  In due time, he developed the reputation of a revolutionary priest. Regularly preaching and condemning injustice from the pulpit, Hidalgo incited revolutionary fervor against the gachupines, a derogatory epithet for peninsulares. The stage was being assembled step by step.

  For some time, Father Hidalgo had been part of secret meetings held during tertulias, social gatherings usually held in private homes. The main theme of these get-togethers was the anticipated independence of New Spain. The home of Doña Josefa Ortiz de Domínguez (La Corregidora) became the official meeting place.

  Mostly, the occasions served as platforms to engage in dialogue with similar-minded patriots, planning for actual combat. Here, they also initiated the active collection of funds, equipment, and arms for the revolution.

  The revolt was planned for some time in the future. However, as usually happens in conspiracies, a collaborator, for whatever reason, reported the insurrection to the authorities. Arrest warrants were issued for Father Hidalgo and his fellow accomplices.

  In haste, Father Hidalgo issued his pronunciamiento (manifesto) commonly called the Grito de Dolores (Cry of Dolores) on September 16, 1810. His bold statement and subsequent lead of the revolt earns him the title of “Father of Mexican independence”. The struggle proved to be lengthy. That’s because Mexico’s War of Independence lasted until 1821.