Friendly Betrayal
Page 12
In unequivocal terms, Lt. Colonel Gutiérrez de Lara informed his hosts that Texas was not in Louisiana, but in New Spain. It took Monroe some time to persuade Gutiérrez de Lara back in the room. Realizing the non-compromising stance of their visitor, the U.S. officials explained that they expected Great Britain to try to reclaim their American colonies.
If they openly helped Don Bernardo, Spain would be sure to object. Since they were about to fight England, they certainly would not be able to handle war with the two super powers at once. Thus, they approved his request.
Specifically, Gutiérrez de Lara had authority to set up camp in Natchitoches, Louisiana. From there, he could recruit U.S. volunteers. After his tumultuous, but rewarding, trip to the U.S, Colonel Gutierrez de Lara returned home in a victorious mood proclaiming to all that the shackles of Spanish tyranny would soon disappear.
In summary, Gutiérrez de Lara was born and raised in the Province of Nuevo Santander. Thus, he was not a Tejano, even though he grew up in what is now South Texas. (Up until 1848, South Texas and the entire tip of Texas known today as the lower Rio Grande was entirely in Nuevo Santander (renamed Tamaulipas). The reason is that the Texas southern border was the Nueces River, not the Rio Grande.)
Yet, he became an unlikely Tejano. Doing so, Don José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara Uribe earns his place in Texas history as the leader of the First Texas Revolution (1813).
Chapter 18
1813 – The Birth of Texas Liberty
Shortly after taking possession of the Spanish Regional Capital of San Fernando (San Antonio), Lt. Colonel Gutiérrez de Lara declared Texas was now an independent state.
Due to his military genius, he had won a series of battles that led to San Antonio on April 1-2, 1813. Starting in Natchitoches, Louisiana, leading the Army of the North, he crossed the Sabine River and defeated the Spanish forces in several battles. He was a man of his word.
On April 6, 1813, he wrote, signed, and issued Texas’ first Declaration of Independence and read its contents to jubilant Bexareños and his victorious military comrades. A week later, he issued the first constitution in Texas. What exactly did all this mean to the people of Texas and Northern Mexico, most of them related by blood or extended family?
Putting the question another way, what expectations did the revolutionaries have? In reality, there were three distinct groups involved in the revolt – creoles, mestizos, and the indigenous people of New Spain (Mexico). Although related in purpose, each group was after something personal.
Fairness
The first of these, the creoles (criollos), looked only for fairness. In every respect from physical appearance and loyalty to their family and Catholic Church, they resembled the elite of New Spain aristocracy (peninsulares). They resented the social and political caste system that kept them from sharing equally with peninsulares just because they happened to be born in America.
Indeed, it was impossible to tell criollos and peninsulares apart. That homogenous trait had proved to be the most tragic for many unsuspecting creoles whom the Indios, in their quest to unchain themselves from the yoke of slavery, lashed out at all white residents of New Spain. Now, with partial victory in the province of Texas, it was a bittersweet victory for creoles.
Equality
Mestizos, the second main group, saw the revolution with much hope. It was through the revolt that they wished to climb onto a dignified level of equality in order to gain a foothold in society.
Theirs was much more difficult than that of creoles. Due to their demeanor, it was not difficult to identify mestizos. Lacking formal education, many were unable to read or write. In their defense, that didn’t stop them from earning dignity on their own. Highly skillful, practical, and problem solvers, they were the backbone of rancho operations.
Filling occupations in the lower classes, it was easy to single them out by their distinctive way of dress. Their complementing cotton, wool, and leather clothing and rugged vaquero boot wear served them well in the South Texas brush country. Theirs was a life in the open country.
Those who possessed European traits easily gave themselves away by mannerisms learned since childhood. For example, their usual response, “lo que usted mande”, to anyone who looked white, was a simple phrase, but one that denoted a lower culture status.
Within those four words was encased a complex concept. That’s because the expression contains the almost knee-jerk, automatic response offered by Native Americans to all white persons regardless of background.
As such, it was the unforgiving, cruel caste system that mestizos were trying to escape from. Tired of being set apart, as their brethren the creoles, they believed that a future carved by an uncertain revolution was better than the status quo. They sought equality, no matter the cost.
Independence
Native Americans occupied the third main group. It is they who sought the most basic definition of the word “Independence”. Even though some Native Americans had climbed the social status ladder, most hadn’t.
Intermarriage between indigenous people and Europeans softened and greatly improved their relationship. Although, as a whole, the group occupied the lowest level in society. As such, this sub culture class also included mulattoes and black slaves, who had likewise intermarried into Spanish Mexican society.
In short, existence for members of this latter group was dismal. For Rayo and his brethren, life under the European-influenced society had to get better. Rayo only hoped that the revolution would not forget its ideals to include Native Americans in the future.
oOo
Although José Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara had indeed included all citizens in his declaration, he realized it would be hard to ensure all European-descent citizens accepted indigenous people as equals. He had already experienced the delicate fibers of equality in dealing with the Anglo volunteers from the U.S. As with the New Spain groups, the U.S. volunteers that came to Mexico to start a new life had aspirations of their own. They had signed up for two reasons.
One, they were unsatisfied with life in the U.S. Land was either expensive or unavailable. The Mexican War of Independence offered them a chance to escape their dismal existence as poor sharecropper roles.
Two, they couldn’t resist the offer of free land. Plus, they would have access to the vast herds of wild horses and cattle. Their aim was to enrich themselves just as their upper class brethren had done in the U.S. Unfortunately, they needed black slaves to get there. Thus, their take on equality did not include blacks, Native Americans, or Mestizos. In fact, Rayo had already voiced great concern and mistrust toward Anglo Saxon members of the Army of the North.
For that reason, when Rayo was barred from a staff meeting that included only Anglo officers, he objected. When he refused to leave the gathering, the meeting was called off. Later, he tried to bring up the bothersome incident to Gutiérrez de Lara, and in fact, he expressed his apprehension many times, with examples of clear rejection from William Shaler and Anglo officers.
To address Rayo’s concerns, Gutiérrez de Lara called members of his staff to a special meeting. There, he reminded everyone that respect and dignity toward one another was crucial if they were to form a new nation. The caste system practiced previously in New England and New Spain was no longer allowed.
As an extended family member who had accompanied his leader since the very beginning, Rayo’s allegiance was unquestioned. Regrettably, he noticed a pattern. Some of the incidents were minor, but part of a bigger problem. For one thing, he noticed that the Anglos expected preferential treatment from Mexicans as they demanded from their black servants. That was something that creoles and mestizos weren’t willing to accept. On the other side, some Anglos took it as insolence from those they considered below their social status.
Rayo only wished he was over reacting, but the frequency of the Anglos’ behavior told him otherwise. They acted in a superior ma
nner that was hard to miss. Sadly, Rayo believed that the gregarious José Bernardo had a virtue for a weakness. Gutiérrez de Lara trusted people. That trait would prove to be his undoing.
His words were eloquent as usual, but Rayo was a realist. Noticing the lack of enthusiasm on the part of their Anglo allies, he didn’t expect much from the pep talk. The level of disdain and animosity individually aimed at brown and black people was a serious threat to a future free of inequality. History would prove him correct in his judgment.
The new leader of the independent province of Texas had several similar issues to solve. That’s why he believed that education was the key. To that end, he had already taken steps to ensure that free education for all would be readily accepted. Better housing was also a major goal in order to elevate the indigenous people from neglected camps along the river. There was much to do. All he hoped for was time to do it.
Indeed, he had learned much on his trip to the U.S. The factories and plants were marvelous creations that he hoped one day would do for the province of Texas to the lucky citizens of the young U.S. He had especially been impressed with the busy ports along the east coast. Soto La Marina would set the stage and be transformed to welcome traders from around the world.
In his eyes, everyone would be assured food on their table and a good paying job. If the English colonies could use liberty and free trade to their limits, why couldn’t New Spain citizens?
The taste of freedom and liberty was a welcome concept in people who had experienced and known only colonialist policies. Thus, the change was a welcome one for creoles, mestizos, Indios, mulattoes, and slaves. The upper class peninsulares were apprehensive, to say the least.
Chapter 19
With friends like these…
From humble beginnings, born and raised on the banks of the lower Rio Grande, Maria Josefa Uribe Gutiérrez de Lara was the first to occupy the position of Texas first lady. It was an honor of the highest order and Maria Josefa accepted it with grace and pragmatism. She was ready to help her husband in any way necessary to complete his important duties as Texas head of state.
After a dangerous trip from Revilla to San Fernando (San Antonio), Maria Josefa and her two young children, José Angel and Maria Eugenia, joined the leader of the independent province of Texas. Don Bernardo was thankful that they were now together as a family again.
Most effectively, her escorts, Don José de Jesús Villarreal and his brother Petronillo, had completed Don Bernardo’s special mission request in secret. In truth, Don Bernardo could not have trusted anyone else but his compadre Don José. The Camino Real was heavily patrolled by Spanish Royalist troops. Thus, it was imperative that they follow hidden trails in the brush country of South Texas to reach San Antonio.
Sadly, spies in Revilla had alerted the Spanish colonial authorities of Don José’s mission. Immediately after their return to Revilla, the two patriotic brothers were arrested and executed for helping Don Bernardo and his revolution. Such were the risks that supportive citizens took in their search for liberty for Las Villas del Norte, Texas, and the rest of Mexico. Incidentally, descendants of the Villarreal brothers still live in Zapata, Texas.
Grief and disappointment were to be Don Bernardo’s constant companions in his shaky grasp of the independent province of Texas. Trouble had been brewing ever since the Army of the North’s triumphant entry into the regional capital of San Antonio.
Fighting fire with fire and bent on revenge, a few rebel soldiers took matters in their own hands. While not meant to defend their ignoble actions, the families of the rebels had suffered constant harassment and indignities. The fathers of some of the rebels had been executed in the most violent manner to teach independence-minded citizens that revolution was not to be tolerated.
The greatest of these unfortunate incidents occurred as a result of the surrender of the Spanish Governor and his senior staff. Don Bernardo’s intent had been to transfer the governor and the other Spanish officials to New Orleans to await trial. To do that, he needed to escort them out of San Antonio.
Thus, a squad of soldiers was picked to accompany the prisoners to the port of Soto La Marina where they were to board a ship to Louisiana. However, assuming the role of judge jury, and executioners, members of the rebel escort brutally killed the governor and his officers just outside of San Antonio.
The squad’s quick return to San Antonio signaled trouble. Word spread quickly as to the horrible death of the prisoners. Different stories emerged, but they all had one thing in common, it was an act of cruelty of the worst kind. The air of jubilation over the capital was succumbing to a state of revenge. That’s not what the revolution was about. Yet, there was nothing anyone could do about it. The deed was done.
Worse, Don Bernardo’s enemies began their devious move against them. His ability to control his army was quickly waning. From a brilliant execution of tactics to win five battles against the Spanish Army, the state of affairs was rapidly spiraling down toward anarchy. Or, so his detractors were hoping when they approached the military junta; recently installed by President Gutiérrez de Lara himself as part of the new Texas Constitution.
Leading the attack as betrayers were two of his most trusted assistants, William Shaler and Álvarez de Toledo. As to Mr. Shaler, he was a U.S. citizen who had joined the Mexican rebellion as an observer. His main wish was to divert the insurrection quickly to the side of the U.S. Thus, the U.S. would subsume Texas; land they wrongly assumed was part of Louisiana.
As to General Toledo, he was a Cuban-born dissident looking for glory. Arrogant and self-assured, he aimed to be known as a liberator in his home country of Cuba. If that wasn’t to be, he would take fame in faraway Mexican Texas. Cleverly, using local Washington, D.C. newspapers as his initial attempt to meet Gutiérrez de Lara, he eventually found a way to introduce himself to the now famous visitor from Texas.
Álvarez de Toledo quickly gained Gutiérrez de Lara’s confidence and soon capably served as his interpreter. Later, with Gutiérrez de Lara’s approval after swearing allegiance to the noble cause, he travelled to Texas, becoming a member of Gutiérrez de Lara’s inner circle of officers.
Able to manipulate his way into the junta’s list of options, he was picked to replace Colonel Gutiérrez de Lara as commander of the Army of the North. His selection was not readily accepted by the rank-and-file soldiers who voiced their objection to the way their commander had been treated.
Although Gutiérrez de Lara continued to reason with the junta, defending himself as best he could, he was unsuccessful. He found no other choice, but to resign his positions and seek exile in Louisiana, his home away from home. The die was cast.
Chapter 20
Battle of Medina —
Under the colonial yoke once more
Rayo and his comrades were disappointed, but not discouraged from continuing their quest for a better life. The decisive force to remove their commander had stunned and hit them hard. Yet, if they were to return to their homes and enjoy freedom, they knew that the war was not over.
Constant rumors circulated about activities in Laredo. Supposedly, the Spanish Army was reorganizing under the command of General Joaquín de Arredondo, its most capable senior officer. It was only a matter of weeks before they marched north to retake the capital and the entire province of Texas. Although disenchanted with the turn of events, they looked forward to at least one major battle, hopefully, the last. Or, so they indeed believed.
Their worst fears materialized sooner than they thought. Word came that General Arredondo and his army was on the Camino Real and had passed through a number of ranchos several miles north of Laredo. The enemy was on the move and headed toward San Antonio.
Reports as to size were expectedly not all in agreement. Initially, incoming reports of sightings said that it consisted of several hundred soldiers, while others put the number much higher; at least three thousand men carrying signific
ant armaments, including cannon and related equipment. Unknown as yet to the Tejanos, it was the 3,000 number that was closest to the real threat.
Under General Álvarez de Toledo, the Tejano Army was in the process of being reorganized. Even though the Army of the North had fought as a united force for about one year, its structure was disassembled. In its place, Toledo installed a segregated arrangement that separated comrades who had fought side-by-side since Nacogdoches.
Now, the Tejanos were put under command of Colonel José Menchaca, an accomplished cavalry officer. The Native Americans were similarly placed under the leadership of a tribal chief. Likewise, the volunteers from the U.S. were put under the command of an Anglo officer.
Sadly, the reorganized army had not even had the opportunity to train together. Adding to the grave situation, coordination among the three forces lacked cohesion due to language problems.
Blinded by his own ambition, all of these flags were ignored by General Toledo. He treated them as temporary glitches that would soon be overcome with time. Yet, time was working against the Cuban campaigner.
By early August 1813, General Toledo expected that San Antonio would be attacked within the next few days. However, he was sure that he would continue Gutiérrez de Lara’s string of victories. Thus, he boldly made plans to meet and defeat General Arredondo before he had a chance to enter San Antonio.
The order went out – Prepare to march and attack the enemy. From their bivouac on the grounds of Mission Concepción, the Army of the North assembled in battle formation and headed south to meet their destiny. True to his brash personality, General Toledo assured his officers that they would all be back in San Antonio for dinner and celebrations.