Year Zero: Berlin 1945

by David McCormack

  By the end of 27 April, Chuikov's forces were converging on the main prize, the Reichstag. To the east, Berzarin's forces had advanced as far as the Lustgarten. Whilst to the north, Kuznetzov's troops had broken into Moabit. Zhukov was clearly winning the race to the Reichstag. However, Konev had not yet given up hope of taking the prize as spearheads from his own forces had advanced as far as the Hohenzollerndamm. He then issued orders for Rybalko's tank troops and Luchinsky's 20th Corps to capture the whole south-western sector of Berlin, followed by an advance to the Landwehr Canal by the end of 28 April. With Chuikov's troops advancing in the same direction, there arose the very real possibility of a collision between the two forces. Therefore, Konev took the decision to turn Rybalko's forces to the west, away from the main prize. Konev later recalled his conversation with Rybalko :

  The telephone conversation I had with Rybalko on the subject was quite unpleasant. He said he did not understand why his corps which were already aimed at the centre of the city should, by my order, be turned west and the direction of their advance changed. I appreciated his feelings as army commander, but all I could say was that the offensive of the 1st Belorussian Front against Berlin was going well, and that the centre of Berlin was, according to the established line of demarcation, in the zone of the 1st Belorussian Front.

  Knowing Rybalko, as I did, I must say that his dissatisfaction was not due to the fact that he wanted to take a few more streets and squares in order to become famous. He had already won enough fame. But finding himself in the very thick of the fight and seeing a direct chance to speed up the clearing of Berlin, he literally had to crush his own impulse in order to carry out my order. I am certainly not inclined to censure him for feelings I can very well appreciate.

  Konev then went on to state his own views regarding the situation. Though it has to be remembered that his memoirs were written in accordance with Soviet protocols which at the time aimed to portray a unified command structure :

  As for my own personal views, I believe that at that period an exact line of demarcation between the two fronts had to be established. It was necessary to rule out any chance of confusion, losses caused by our own fire and other trouble caused by troops getting mixed up, especially in street fighting. I accepted the corrections made in the line of demarcation as necessary and considered them dictated by higher interests.

  In truth, Konev was as bitterly disappointed as Rybalko. The prize would after all go to his rival, Zhukov.

  On 28 April, General Weidling informed Hitler at the evening conference that the supply situation was so critical that his units had only enough ammunition left for two further days of combat. He then put the case forward for a breakout, 'Speaking as a soldier, I think the time has come to risk breaking out of encircled Berlin, so as to put an end to the incredible suffering of the population'. The propaganda minister and self-styled defender of Berlin was the first to react to the suggestion of a break out, Weidling recalling that 'Goebbels pounced on me and, using some strong language, tried to make much of my solid presentation sound ridiculous'. Perhaps Goebbels took the lead in denouncing Weidling's suggestion as Hitler's mind appeared to be elsewhere. As indeed it was.

  Earlier in the day, word reached Hitler via the Reuters news agency that Himmler had made an offer of capitulation to the western Allies. For Hitler, this was the worst betrayal of all. The aviatrix Hanna Reitsch, who had made a hair-raising flight into Berlin with General Robert Ritter von Greim two days previously, later described Hitler's reaction by stating that, 'Hitler raved like a madman. He turned a dark red, and his face became almost unrecognisable'. Later that night, Hitler composed himself and ordered Reitsch and the newly appointed commander of the practically non-existent Luftwaffe to leave Berlin. Their task was to ensure that Himmler was found in order to receive his just punishment. Unable to take his wrath out on Himmler directly, Hitler satisfied his thirst for vengeance by having Himmler's adjutant General Hermann Fegelein executed. Eva Braun made little attempt to intercede for her brother in law, who by a process of calculation and opportunism had inveigled himself into Hitler's court circle. After his execution, all she could say was 'Poor, poor Adolf. They have all deserted you; they have all betrayed you'.

  Over the next few hours, Hitler came around to the view that it was time to bring things to an end. As renowned Hitler scholar Joachim Fest noted, 'Once he had made up his mind after long vacillation, he made his decisions rapidly and without hesitation'. To this end, he set about dictating his personal and political testaments. Significantly, he also chose this time to marry his long-term partner, Eva Braun. As leader of the Reich, he could not allow himself close personal ties to anyone. Now that time was coming to an end, it simply didn't matter any more. Walter Wagner, a local government official was brought to the bunker to carry out the ceremony, which because of the circumstances would be a simple 'War Wedding'. Dr Naumann acted as registrar, and Bormann and Goebbels were the witnesses. The simple ceremony conducted in the early hours of 29 April proceeded as follows :

  Wagner : I come herewith to the solemn act of matrimony. In the presence of the above-mentioned witnesses... I ask you, my leader Adolf Hitler, whether you are willing to enter into matrimony with Miss Eva Braun. If such is the case, I ask you to reply yes.

  Hitler : Yes.

  Wagner : Herewith I ask you, Miss Eva Braun, whether you are willing to enter into matrimony with my leader Adolf Hitler. If such is the case, I ask you to reply yes.

  Braun : Yes.

  Wagner : Now, since both these engaged persons have stated their willingness to enter into matrimony, I herewith declare the marriage valid before the law.

  The marriage was more than an act of gratitude towards one of the few who had remained loyal to the end, it was in essence Hitler's abdication from his role as a world historical figure. Nurse Erna Flegel who was caring for the sick and wounded in the Chancellery later recalled her impressions of the wedding. Readers should note that her date of the ceremony (28 April) is incorrect. This mistake is understandable given the conditions in the bunker at the time. Flegel's account is taken from an interrogation by the U.S. Strategic Services Unit on 30 November 1945 :

  The marriage of Hitler to Eva Braun took place on 28 April...It was immediately clear to me that this signified the end of the Third Reich, for if Hitler had believed a continuation of it possible, he would never have taken this step. Now, with death facing him, he wished to thank this woman for her self-sacrificing loyalty by giving her his name. After all, she was still young and had voluntarily stayed with him in order to share his fate... The incident was of little importance to us; at any rate, we saw nothing unusual in it, for Eva was a completely colourless personality. When she was with a crowd of stenographers, she was in no way conspicuous among them. For example, the fact that Hitler had poisoned his wolfhound somehow affected us more. The dog received in Hitler's presence a large dose of the poison with which later others were poisoned. He was very fond of that dog, and took its death very much to heart.

  Nurse Flegel was absolutely correct in that Hitler's marriage symbolised the final act in the terrible saga of the Third Reich. Hitler's marriage to Eva Braun marked his divorce from the German people, a people whom he believed had failed him. As such, he now welcomed his coming death as a merciful release.

  At 07.00hrs on the morning of 29 April, a powerful Soviet artillery and mortar barrage was unleashed against the buildings shielding the Reichstag. The two main buildings, the Kroll Opera House and the Ministry of the Interior came under intense fire which succeeded in suppressing at least part of the German defences. Meanwhile, the 756th Rifle Regiment of the 150th Rifle Division prepared to cross the Moltke Bridge. Some troops managed to smash their way through the barricades, but a crossing in force could not be effected until German resistance in the Ministry of the Interior had been totally eliminated. Throughout the night of 29/30 April, units of the Soviet 150th Rifle Division's 756th and 674th Rifle Regiments and the 171st Rifle
Division's 380th Rifle Regiment carried out the grim task of clearing the Ministry of the Interior of its determined defenders. By 04:00hrs on 30 April, the building was finally captured and troops consolidated their positions on the lower floor which looked across the Konigsplatz towards the Reichstag. Meanwhile, fighting continued in other parts of the city as 1st Belorussian Front's right-flank formations secured the western approaches to the city.

  As the Soviet forces closed in on the Reichstag on 29 April, Hitler sent for General Mohnke in order to clarify what exactly was happening. Mohnke reported to those present at the midday situation conference. The latest news from the front lines was catastrophic. With the aid of a map, Mohnke outlined the situation :

  In the north the Russians have moved close to Weidendammer Bridge. In the East they are at the Lustgarten. In the south, at Potsdamer Platz and the Aviation Ministry. In the west they are in the Tiergarten, somewhere between 170 and 250 feet from the Reich Chancellery.

  When Hitler asked, 'How long can you hold out?'. The answer given by Mohnke was unequivocal, 'At most twenty to twenty-four hours my Fuhrer, no longer'. With this shattering news Hitler prepared his final withdrawal from the world stage. He first gave orders for his dog Blondi to be poisoned. Whilst he could not bear the thought of his beloved German Shepherd falling into Russian hands, the killing of Blondi would also provide an opportunity to test the cyanide capsules left by Himmler.

  That evening news filtered through into the bunker via radio that Mussolini and his mistress Clara Petacci had been executed. This news awakened fears in Hitler that if captured by the Russians (dead or alive), he would be taken to Moscow for the amusement of Jews and Communists. Shortly afterwards Hitler spoke with the overseer of the bunker garages Obersturmbannfuhrer (Unit Leader) Erich Kempka :

  Hitler : How are things with you, Kempka? How are your men?

  Kempka : Their morale is good and they're waiting for relief from Wenck.

  Hitler : Yes... We're all waiting for Wenck. Good bye, Kempka, and take care of yourself.

  At the evening situation conference Weidling again suggested a breakout with the remaining troops. Hitler replied rather confusingly that whilst he would permit the breakout of small groups, capitulation was still anathema to him. Somewhat nonplussed by Hitler's reply, Weidling later arranged to meet his commanders the following morning at his Bendlerblock HQ.

  That night Hitler bade farewell to his remaining entourage, telling them that he did not want either his living body or mortal remains falling into Russian hands. At some time between 01.00hrs and 03.00hrs, Hitler received confirmation that all efforts to relieve Berlin had failed. It was now 30 April and the Soviet assault on the Reichstag and central government district had began in earnest. The first direct assault on the building was a failure as attacking troops came under a murderous crossfire from German defenders holed-up in the Kroll Opera House. The Soviet Army General Staff report compiled after the battle went into some detail with regard to the storming of the Reichstag :

  The German's powerful strong-point – the Kroll Opera House – interfered with the unfolding of the subsequent attack on the Reichstag. The Germans had configured the opera house for all-round defence. Barricades had been erected in the lanes and avenues north and east of the Kroll Opera House. On the building's roof, as well as on the second floor, the enemy had set up guns that fired on the windows of 'Himmler's House' which we had captured. The enemy could also sweep from the Kroll Opera House the southern face of 'Himmler's House' and the Konigsplatz.

  Moreover, it was from this building that the Germans were able to keep under fire the Moltke Bridge and the quays north and south of it, which made the crossing of the 79th Rifle Corps tanks and artillery over the Spree River's southern bank more difficult. We only managed to cross a few self-propelled guns and 122mm and 153mm guns along the bridge during the night of 29/30 April and concentrate in the courtyard of 'Himmler's House'...

  At 05.00hrs a concentrated artillery-mortar fire was opened up on the Kroll Opera House and the Reichstag from the northern bank of the Spree River, and direct fire from 'Himmler's House' and the corner building on the Al Moabit Strasse and the Kronprinzenufer... The 207th Rifle Division's 598th and 597th Rifle Regiments, which had crossed to the southern bank of the Spree River, by 09:00hrs had occupied positions west of 'Himmler's House', but could not advance further because of the powerful fire which the Germans, holed up in the Kroll Opera House, were pouring on them. However, the 207th Rifle Division's offensive actions drew the fire of the Kroll Opera House's garrison on to itself. Thus the Germans could not wage intensive fire on our units storming the Reichstag.

  By 12.00hrs elements of the 150th and 171st Rifle Divisions had occupied their jumping off positions for storming the Reichstag in a German trench having high embankment sides and breastworks. At 12.00hrs more than a company of enemy infantry, supported by machine gun fire and fire from anti-aircraft artillery mounted on the Reichstag, counter-attacked elements of the 525th Rifle Regiment, which had consolidated in the block between the Kronprinzenufer and the Alsenstrasse. This enemy counter-attack was successfully repulsed by the timely opening of our artillery's fire. Then the Germans changed the direction of their counter-attack. Up to a company of infantry, along with two tanks, began to attack the flank of the 380th Rifle Regiment's second battalion, which had occupied its jumping-off position for storming the Reichstag east of 'Himmler's House'... The 380th Rifle Regiment's second battalion repulsed the German counter-attack in savage hand to hand fighting.

  At 13.30hrs the artillery preparation for the storming of the Reichstag started. All the guns, which had been crossed over to the southern bank of the Spree River, as well as tanks, self-propelled guns and guards mortars, opened direct fire on the Reichstag... The artillery left behind on the northern bank also concentrated its fire on the Reichstag... A solid cloud of dust and smoke stood over and about the building...

  The artillery barrage lasted for twenty minutes. At 13.50hrs, Captain Neustroev's 1st Battalion of the 756th Rifle Regiment of the 150th Rifle Division broke into the Reichstag, carrying with them Banner No 5.

  Fighting alongside Neustroev's battalion were the seasoned troops of Senior Lieutenant Samsonov's 1st Battalion of the 380th Rifle Regiment and Captain Davydov's 1st Battalion of the 674th Rifle Regiment, each carrying their own banners. The assaulting troops entered the circular vestibule through breaches in the walls. They were immediately met with intense small arms fire. Return fire from automatic weapons and grenades suppressed the defenders, enabling the attacking troops to rush the main staircase. The first floor was then cleared of defenders, room by room. Meanwhile, the 2nd Battalion of the 380th Rifle Regiment, which had seized the half-smashed concrete structures to the to the north-west corner of the building, were subjected to a company-strength counter-attack backed up by four tanks. The counter-attack was repulsed by the 171st Rifle Division's 185th Independent Anti-Tank Battalion which put the German tanks out of action.

  Meanwhile, the fighting inside the Reichstag intensified as Neustroev's troops fought for control of the second floor. Sergeants Yegorov and Kantariya of the reconnaissance troop blasted their way to the half ruined staircase leading to the third floor, but were halted in their tracks by German machine gun fire. The Red Banner was waved from a second story window at 14.25hrs. Colonel Zinchenko, commanding 756th Rifle Regiment was not satisfied, demanding to know, 'Where is the banner?'. The attempt to secure the whole building had failed at the first attempt. German troops still controlled the basement and parts of the upper floors. A second assault would be needed. All knew that the clock was ticking as Stalin wanted the Red Banner flying over the Reichstag in time for the important May Day holiday and parade.

  Whilst the first attempt to storm the Reichstag was taking place, Hitler sat down to lunch with his remaining secretaries Gerda Christian and Traudl Junge, also present was his cook Constanze Manziarly. Eva Braun did not attend, as presumably she had no appetite. Hi
tler's last meal of spaghetti in a light sauce was taken in near silence. Then after finishing this last meal he thanked his cook, after which he stood from the table and in a barely audible voice said, 'The time has come; it's all over'. His decision to commit suicide on this day came following his conversation with Mohnke earlier in the morning. Mohnke confirmed that the end was approaching as his troops could only hold on for a few hours more. To this end, Hitler instructed his adjutant Otto Gunsche to take steps in order to ensure that his remains were 'forever undiscovered'.

  Now it was time for the final farewells. On his way to the conference room, Hitler was stopped by his faithful valet Heinz Linge who wanted to say goodbye. Hitler told him that he should attempt to break out of the Soviet encirclement. Linge asked for whom should he make such an effort? Hitler replied, 'For the coming man'. He then bade a formal farewell of sorts to Goebbels, his wife Magda, Bormann, Generals Krebs and Burgdorf, diplomat Walther Hewel, Vice-Admiral Hans-Erich Voss, the head of the Reich Security Service bodyguard Brigadier-General Johann Rattenhuber, Gunsche, Linge, head of Department 1 and criminal director of the Reich Security Service Lieutenant-Colonel Peter Hogl and the remaining secretaries Christian and Junge. After a few words in response to those making up the mournful gathering , Hitler returned to his private rooms with his wife.

  His last moments of reflection (no doubt concerning those he believed had betrayed him) were interrupted by an almost hysterical Magda Goebbels who insisted on speaking to her beloved leader. Gunsche later recalled the scene :

  The Fuhrer was standing in his study. Eva was not in the room, but there was a tap running in the bathroom so I assume she was there. He was very annoyed at me for interrupting. I asked him if he wanted to see Frau Goebbels. 'I don't want to speak to her any more', he said.