by Per Wahlöö
Colonel Pigafetta: It pains me to have to admit that that story was among the very first I heard when as a young subaltern I went into the mess for the very first time.
Colonel Orbal: It’s a bloody good story, anyhow.
Commander Kampenmann: For me, it is fortunately quite new.
Major von Peters: I’ve always said that about the Navy. It’s not great but it’s bloody refined.
Colonel Orbal: Well, we’d better get going then, hadn’t we?
Major von Peters: Is Bratianu still Prosecuting Officer?
Lieutenant Brown: No. Captain Schmidt is presenting the case for the armed forces.
Colonel Orbal: Call in the parties.
Commander Kampenmann: Is this really absolutely necessary?
Colonel Orbal: What’s this now? What the hell’s going on? Why is he sitting in that apparatus, Endicott? Can’t he walk by himself?
Captain Endicott: No, sir, the accused cannot walk.
Captain Schmidt: My replacement requested a postponement a month ago to complete the evidence for charge seventy-seven. Despite intensive interrogation, partly under the personal supervision of Lieutenant Bratianu himself, Velder has, however, not made any admission which to any great extent makes the judgement of the case any easier.
Major von Peters: Oh, yes, not even Bratianu could get it out of him, then? Does the swine still deny it?
Captain Endicott: Yes, the accused pleads not guilty.
Captain Schmidt: As charge number seventy-seven, concerning fornication, obscenity and bigamy has already been dealt with thoroughly and also is hardly of such significance as my replacement seems to have considered, I request to be allowed to lay this section of the case before the court. All the facts of the matter are clear and Velder’s plea of not guilty is unimportant. I demand a conviction.
Major von Peters: Yes, that’ll probably be all right. Go on.
Captain Schmidt: Considerably more than half the charges against Erwin Velder have now been considered. The sections that remain include, however, far more serious offences. The next group of charges, numbers seventy-eight to and including eighty-two, concerns Velder’s high treason and desertion from the Army. The accused admits these offences, just as he admits to all the other remaining charges in the case. The essential point, however, is not these confessions in themselves. What must be set out as the basis for judicial argument and the prejudicial judgements are Velder’s intentions and motives. These can hardly be made clear unless we try to reconstruct the atmosphere within what was called the Council and the situation in the country as a whole at the actual time.
Colonel Orbal: Damned long-winded, he is, what?
Major von Peters: Yes, thank the Lord for Bratianu.
Captain Schmidt: To make the country’s situation clear, I refer to Appendix V IV/14, which consists of a summary of a descriptive outline drawn up by the National Historical Department of the General Staff. Marked Top Secret. I request the officer presenting the case to read the actual appendix.
Major von Peters: Here we go again.
Lieutenant Brown: Appendix V IV/14, concerning the social and economic development of the country during the period of domination by the traitors. Compiled from Volume Eleven, drawn up by the National Historical Department of the General Staff. Marked Secret according to paragraphs eight and eleven. The text is as follows:
Major von Peters: You might at least spare us the preliminaries?
Lieutenant Brown: The five years of misgovernment which had been maintained because the traitors Janos Edner, Joakim Ludolf and Aranca Peterson were in a majority on the Council, had left the country in a state of moral chaos and total defencelessness. General Oswald’s efforts to put the defence of the nation on its feet had been systematically sabotaged. In the whole country, there were only a few thousand militiamen, whose training and equipment scarcely made them suitable as the core of a modern army. The militia had about thirty helicopters and slow reconnaissance planes at their disposal. On the other hand, they completely lacked assault planes and fighters. For defensive weapons, they had about ten old-fashioned artillery pieces, though supplies of mines were relatively large and the already mined barriers, intended for electrical release, were fairly well maintained. There was, however, not a single anti-aircraft battery on the whole island, nor any tanks, and the old permanent coastal defences had been either blown up or allowed to decay. The Navy, which was also administered by the militia, consisted of about twenty patrol boats. These were small but fast and comparable to Customs boats. The militia, apart from considerable stores of hand firearms and ammunition, also had a number of machine-guns. There were no infantry guns or anti-tank weapons, nor any other modern weapons of war, i.e. atomic weapons, robots, nerve-gas and napalm. There were not even any mortars or flame-throwers. On the other hand, thanks to the General’s farsighted planning, they were well supplied with transport vehicles in the form of a large number of armoured cars with tracks for use in the terrain and suitable for moving troops. Access to motor-cycles and cars was also quite good. These rudimentary defences, however, left the country wholly exposed to attack, especially from the air, and if a presumptive attacker had established a bridgehead, for instance by parachute landings, the small and scattered militia forces lacked any means of launching a counter-attack. Even more precarious than the military situation—catastrophic in itself—was the moral situation. In treasonable circles in the Council, a spirit of defeat and pacifism, irreligiousness and anarchy had spread. Sexual aberrations were as apparent as religious ones. The free Health Service, for instance, included free abortions, and various forms of criminal perversions occurred freely and openly. Finally, these treasonable circles went so far in their laxity that even bigamy was accepted. On the other hand, deportation, the only kind of jurisdiction exercised, was extended to people who had done nothing more serious than to have been guilty of breaking a simple promise or business transaction, which in any other country would be regarded as common practice. Industrial development was neglected completely; not a single armament factory existed in the whole country. On the other hand, what was called cultural production flourished enormously. The number of books printed increased fivefold from year to year, as did the number of films produced in the country. By totally neglecting defence and administration—apart from the few militiamen, there was hardly a single government servant in the country—they managed to create an apparently high economic standard of living. The main part of the national income came from the constantly expanding tourist trade; through luxury hotels, gambling dens and brothels, foreign currencies were poured into the country and the food industry included a considerable export of luxury articles. This commercialised depravity, however, had transformed the Marbella district—which at the time had more than a hundred daily air and hovercraft links with larger centres in the neighbouring countries and with most of the cities in the rest of the world—into a nest of vice which a foreign commentator described as ‘without precedent in the history of the world’. The nation’s international reputation sank very rapidly. It was possible, nevertheless, to keep official relations with foreign powers relatively intact through a well-developed system of bribery.
Colonel Pigafetta: What does that last sentence mean?
Tadeusz Haller: Entertainment opportunties exercised a remarkable enticement to many famous people, not least statesmen. Marbella was in certain respects similar to one of the free cities in the Middle Ages. Everything and anything could be done there and discretion was absolute.
Colonel Orbal: It certainly was.
Lieutenant Brown: I have only a few lines left. Such was the situation then in the country five years after the liberation; drink in plenty, all kinds of drugs were sold freely and openly, sexual orgies succeeded each other and everything saleable was there to buy. The reputation of the country grew worse and worse and moral dissolution more and more obvious, while at the same time by their mole-like activities, the traitors made the country mili
tarily powerless and undermined the individual’s will to defend it.
Captain Schmidt: The document marked V IV/23x of the preliminary investigation also illuminates the developments and chain of events which led to Velder’s desertion and high treason. It concerns a letter from Joakim Ludolf to Janos Edner, sent from a place abroad three months before the outbreak of the disturbances. There are also three comments on the letter, which were undoubtedly written by Janos Edner and Aranca Peterson. Joakim Ludolf was not a writing man and this is one of the extremely few surviving documents in his hand.
Colonel Orbal: There’s almost a hurricane blowing in here. For God’s sake, switch that fan off, Brown.
Lieutenant Brown: Done, sir. Appendix V IV/23x, concerning …
Major von Peters: Cut the preliminaries.
Lieutenant Brown: The letter runs as follows: Hi. Watch out for Oswald. I think he’s cooking something up. Don’t like his behaviour. Have observed him all this last year. Think this business with the militia has gone to his head. It began as a necessity. Went on as a joke. It was a joke when he got himself a uniform and stainless steel teeth. But now? If he wants to play at generals and have the militia as his private army, then we can let him do it. He can even call himself General or Field-Marshal. But it could get more dangerous than that. Think about it. Talk to Velder. He’s shrewd and knows more about Oswald than we do. This has not come to me suddenly. I’ve been thinking about it for a long time. Have known Oswald for twenty years. Know there’s always been something deep down inside him. Bigotry? Megalomania? Arrogance? Don’t know. But something. Send Stoloff back home for safety’s sake and let him take this letter with him. Everything’s going well here otherwise. Have been stone cold sober for three days. Hi. J.L.
Below this, in handwriting which has been identified as Janos Edner’s, is the following:
Paul has been a bit strange, it’s true, but I refuse to believe that it’s anything serious. We’ll talk to him.
Another person, identified as Aranca Peterson, has added:
Ludolf is fairly strange himself, may I say, and it’s not just drink.
Colonel Pigafetta: In the light of what happened later, this Joakim Ludolf seems to be a highly astonishing personality. What did he look like, really?
Captain Schmidt: There’s a contemporary description of him among the appendices, written by a foreign journalist. A small man whose hands tremble. He has a brown beard and protruding eyes which are restless. He is not especially clean and tidy, nor at all impressive, but he seems stubborn and was given an impression of steadfastness.
Commander Kampenmann: Who was this Stoloff?
Major von Peters: A demon in human form.
Tadeusz Haller: That’s true. And he was Joakim Ludolf’s closest friend and confidant. He was in on it all from the beginning and functioned as a construction and planning technologist. In his particular field, he was a genius. He organised all supplies and building in the country. He was also a fortifications expert.
Major von Peters: We know that, thank you.
Colonel Orbal: Yes, by God, we do.
Captain Schmidt: I call Corporal Erwin Velder as witness.
Colonel Orbal: Yes, what? What is it, Endicott? Can’t you speak so that we can hear? Yes, of course he can remain seated if he can’t stand up. Push him forward into the middle of the floor. That’s right.
Lieutenant Brown: May I remind you of the significance of the oath, Velder.
Velder: Yes, I know.
Captain Schmidt: After the bizarre events which were dealt with in the seventy-seventh charge, you continued to serve as the General’s bodyguard and you were also present at Council meetings.
Velder: Yes, that is true.
Colonel Orbal: For Christ’s sake, Velder, you sound like an old steam engine. Speak like a soldier, man.
Captain Endicott: The accused has an injury to his larynx, sir, which prevents him from speaking normally. A week ago, he could not speak at all.
Colonel Orbal: Oh, hell.
Captain Schmidt: Describe briefly the events which led to your desertion from the Army.
Velder: As the General’s bodyguard …
Colonel Pigafetta: Why did General Oswald keep you near to him?
Velder: We always got on well together. I imagine that the General trusted me.
Colonel Pigafetta: Highly remarkable.
Captain Schmidt: Well, Velder. Go on.
Velder: As the General’s bodyguard, I noticed a number of things. After the Council meeting concerned with my circumstances, the General didn’t actually show aversion to me, but the tone of the meetings grew more tense. There weren’t any votes taken, of course.
Captain Schmidt: We are primarily interested in what happened to you personally.
Velder: The General began to take certain measures which he didn’t bother to tell the others about. In two months, the strength of the militia was doubled and stores replenished. They were placed at three new depôts too, near Oswaldsburg, Marbella and Ludolfsport. Otherwise everything was as usual. The General often used to talk to me, of course, and he said he was worried about our vulnerability and our poor defences. Discipline within the militia was improved and training became more systematic. A lot of new officers were found; I remember that both Colonel Orbal and Major von Peters came with the first contingent. At the same juncture, the militia was reorganised into a regular army. That was when I became a corporal.
Captain Schmidt: Were you already planning high treason then?
Velder: Yes, but not consciously. I didn’t realise what was happening. I didn’t really begin to think seriously about it until after the Council meeting on the thirteenth of November.
Captain Schmidt: Describe in your own words what happened there.
Velder: It was very rowdy—the rowdiest I’ve been present at at any time.
Captain Schmidt: Who was rowdy?
Velder: Janos Edner mostly. He had discovered that there were several religious sects in the country, both in Oswaldsburg and Ludolfsport. They had already been in existence for a long time and were holding regular services in private houses. Janos Edner was furious. He behaved in a very unbalanced manner, swearing and cursing.
Captain Schmidt: What was he so agitated about? That there were people who believed in God?
Velder: He said he didn’t care a bloody fig about that. But he was livid over the secrecy, he said. He seemed fearfully disappointed. Aranca Peterson agreed with him, as usual. The others didn’t say anything. He also quarrelled with the General, who he considered must have known about the matter. Especially as so many of the members were from the militia. The General was very calm. When Edner had come to an end, the General brought up his suggestion.
Major von Peters: Can’t you speak up a bit, man?
Captain Schmidt: One moment. I will interrupt Velder’s testimony here and call Justice Tadeusz Haller instead.
Lieutenant Brown: Mr Haller, may I remind you of the significance of the oath.
Tadeusz Haller: I realise the significance of the oath.
Captain Schmidt: You were present at this meeting. What happened then?
Tadeusz Haller: The General was—just as Velder said—very calm. He didn’t reply to the accusation at all. But when Janos Edner had finished, he got up and said: ‘Isn’t this evidence of something I’ve long suspected? That we’ve got to review the question of the country’s method of government and administration.’ Aranca Peterson at once asked how this reviewing was to be done and the General replied that it should happen by public vote. The others stared at him as if they’d seen a ghost. Naturally, I supported the General and pointed out that it was possible that the country had got to the point when its leadership should be entrusted to a president and a democratically chosen government. Aranca Peterson and Janos Edner laughed at me and asked who was going to be the president. Naturally, I answered that the president should be whoever the people chose. The whole thing culminated in a discussion which
went on all night and a good way into the next morning. The General’s decisive behaviour, perhaps to some extent my own too, made a certain impression on the others. They felt that the very foundations of their ridiculous doctrines were collapsing.
Commander Kampenmann: Weren’t you yourself from the start one of the supporters of these doctrines?
Tadeusz Haller: Never seriously. I saw them only as a means of swiftly carrying out national liberation.
Captain Schmidt: Was Velder present all through that meeting?
Tadeusz Haller: I think so. In the end, when it was almost lunch time, we arrived at a compromise. This was that the matter should be settled by a referendum. The people should be allowed to choose between two alternatives; the first to keep the old form of government, the second to choose a president at a later election and form a conventional government. The voting was to be carried out four weeks later. The timing was especially suitable, as winter had just begun and the number of foreign tourists wasn’t so great.
Captain Schmidt: Did everyone agree to this?
Tadeusz Haller: Everyone except Joakim Ludolf. He was quite adamant and on this occasion showed his true nature for the first time.
Captain Schmidt: Thank you, Mr Haller. I will now return to questioning Erwin Velder. Was it at this moment in time that you definitely decided to turn against the General?
Velder: I wasn’t really certain until I’d heard his big speech two weeks later, on the twenty-seventh of November.
Captain Schmidt: The speech Velder refers to was the first of a series by General Oswald which went out to the whole country on radio and television. The text of the speech is contained in Appendix V IV/50. If you don’t mind, Lieutenant Brown.